Evidence of meeting #22 for Environment and Sustainable Development in the 39th Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was c-377.

A recording is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

4:15 p.m.

Conservative

Mark Warawa Conservative Langley, BC

I have a closing comment. It's unfortunate, and I'm disappointed with the response from Mr. Cullen.

I believe he was elected at the same time I was, so we've been around these tables a similar amount of time. I've never heard witnesses say, as they did in critiquing Bill C-377, that there was a bill so poorly written that it would not stand a constitutional challenge. The same people who wrote the bill in the first place have now written amendments, but he does not want to hear from the witnesses again to say whether or they got it right. He wants to have it move on from this committee and go to the House and then, if passed in the House, go to the Senate without any sober second thought, without any critique.

It's unfortunate. I don't believe in Bill C-377. I think it's a poorly written bill. But it would be necessary to take a different look or a different approach to Bill C-377 if the witnesses were coming back and saying it was now a good bill. So we now have Bill C-377, a poorly written bill, rewritten by the opposition, and they don't want it critiqued. They don't want anybody to look at this new and rewritten bill, which is disappointing. Again, I believe it's a bill doomed to not succeed.

Thank you.

4:15 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

Mr. Vellacott.

4:15 p.m.

Conservative

Maurice Vellacott Conservative Saskatoon—Wanuskewin, SK

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

What we have from Mr. Cullen--or I guess more indirectly on Bill C-377 it's from Mr. Layton, his leader--in asking the implication basically.... I think our main concern with the amendment, if he's not quite understood that yet, is that by way of what he has here, measured progress would be tied to a projection based on a set of assumptions that have quite an impact on the actual level of greenhouse gas emissions projected.

What this is doing is working off projections rather than what we would suggest, which is that they should be measured against actual emissions recorded in the national inventory report. Our plan uses the 2006 baseline. The international standard is 1990. Ours is different. The fact is that there really is, in some sense, no international standard, because some countries have used 1990, others have used 2000, others use 2003, others use 2005. So there's no agreed-upon baseline there.

When our government, the Conservative government, came into office back in 2006, we were really not able to take responsibility for the inaction and failure of the previous government, the Liberals, to cut greenhouse gas emissions in the previous regime. But we have to take responsibility from this point on, so that means using an actual baseline as opposed to the projections that are included in the clause we have before us now.

I know some have criticized us and have chastised us, so to speak, for talking about an intensity-based plan, this kind of rhetoric, that it allows emissions to grow forever. But we made very clear our commitment to Canadians to cut those greenhouse gases and to do it by an absolute 20% by the year 2020. Those are absolute targets based on the baseline of 2006. It's not something rather vague; they're actual targets, not intensity based, and regulations that actually—as in fact Mr. Cullenwould know—will force industries to massively reduce the greenhouse gases they release for each unit of production. That's part of the plan for meeting that goal, and our plan forces industry to get more efficient each year, as the years go on, so that greenhouse gases go down even as the economy grows.

As opposed to this particular baseline requested here, our plan actually forces industry to get more efficient each year, so that those greenhouse gases go down, and it will even, at the same time as the economy is allowed to grow, require industry to get significantly more efficient: 18% more by the year 2010 and then 2% more efficient each and every year after that.

So the math is really pretty straightforward. The math is quite simple here. The Canadian economy, in terms of a pattern here, grows by 2% to 3% a year. If we require industry to get 18% more efficient, total emissions will go down even as the economy grows. That's just how the math works out. As Mr. Cullen would know, Canada's total emissions under our plan will go down as early as 2010 and no later than 2012, even as the economy grows.

So we don't believe that our country, our environment, is well served by simply closing factories down and by shipping jobs off to countries like China and India that have lower environmental standards than we do. That would actually mean that Canadians would lose jobs and that we would end up importing products, bringing products in from abroad, produced in dirtier factories that pollute the world with even more greenhouse gases. So the kind of baseline here, where we're actually measuring against projections instead of actual solid figures as reported in the national inventory report there, is the concern we have.

Our plan is actually going to do something fairly significant in terms of the oil sands projects. It will allow some 38 new oil sands projects to proceed. They're really one of Canada's greatest resources out in provinces in the west, but they're a major engine for our economy, and as a government we do have a great responsibility to the generations ahead to ensure that they are developed in an environmentally sound way.

We have that plan. We have that tougher regime for the existing oil sands projects and for oil sands projects under construction, as was clear in our budget--tough measures for planned oil sands projects as well. They'll have some very tough regulations. Existing ones will have tough regulations to reduce their emissions by 18% by 2020 with an additional improvement of 2% every year after that.

Oil sands projects under construction between 2004 and 2011 will not only have to meet the tough standard of 18% and 2%, but additional tougher emission standards to drive adoption of cleaner fuels and technologies. Those new oil sands projects will have the toughest standards of all. Oil sands projects built in 2012 and later will have to use carbon capture and storage or other green technology to cut their emissions.

Those three measures are some of the toughest regulations in the industrial world. We're basing it on actual figures, as opposed to the projected baseline Mr. Cullen is suggesting in the clause that's before us now.

We don't believe, as some appear to, in a moratorium on new construction. We believe it would be possible, and that it's irresponsible to shut the door on the creation of more good jobs in Canada.

We have made that commitment to Canadians to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 20% by the year 2020, and the Turning the Corner plan is very specific in terms of how we go about doing that, using tough measures to put us on a path to meet those commitments.

Also, I think what's important to know--and members across the way would be somewhat aware of this, or should be--is that we believe in the polluter-pay principle. Our plan recognizes that all Canadians have to fight climate change and that industry has to do its part; and it will, as things stand.

Our regulations will apply to all big industry, as we said, the oil sands and any of the other oil projects as well, in terms of a solid baseline from 2006. All the way from smelters to pulp and paper mills, all industry has to do its fair share, because oil sands and dirty coal are two of the biggest emitting industries.

Electricity plants have requirements to meet. They're going to carry the brunt of this. That plan requires, as we said, banning the construction of new dirty-coal electricity plants and requires all those new ones to use carbon capture and storage or other green technology. And that's happening in my own province.

So again, using the 2006 baseline, by these means and by carbon sequestration, we will meet those goals and we will maintain very tough regulations with respect to that.

Companies will have to choose. They'll have to find the most cost-effective way to meet their emission reduction targets from a whole range of options. These include in-house reductions. They can make contributions to a technology fund or domestic emissions trading. Companies that have already reduced their greenhouse gas emissions prior to 2006 will have access to a limited one-time credit for early action.

But we have to keep coming back and emphasizing the point of using 2006 as a baseline. I think it's much more realistic to start there, and we will press forward on that basis, unlike the failed approach of the previous government.

We're taking a more balanced approach. I think that's what the economy requires, and it's what the Canadian public requires, because making the reductions is practical and gets the job done.

It's a focused approach toward an absolute reduction in greenhouse gases of 20% by the year 2020. It protects our environment while growing our economy at the same time. It moves Canadians forward on a low-carbon economy, using a proper baseline instead of the one that's proposed here, where we've got these projections instead.

It's a challenge, admittedly. Canadians have to share, and there will be a cost, but we believe that together, as we partner and join hands on that, the cost is manageable. Industry will do a significant part of it, but as individuals, we can as well.

What is significant, and what we should all note today and have on the record in respect of this bill, in respect of this clause, is that our plan includes some real tools--practical tools, I might add--to help Canada cut its greenhouse gas emissions. These include more than $9 billion in ecoACTION initiatives for home retrofit grants, for renewable power, for biofuels, and for public transit. We've also delivered other means, such as a carbon market, an offset system, and most importantly, some tough regulations to force industry to cut its emissions, again based not on projections, as in clause 10, but on using 2006 as the baseline.

We know that Mr. Dion and the Liberal Party didn't get it done when it came to cutting our greenhouse gas emissions. But we really are moving forward with some practical plans here.

Some people have said that our plan gives a free pass to some of these areas. Some have said that our plan would hurt the economy. Actually, by cutting emissions to the extent we are, our plan is in fact going to impose some real costs on Canadians. We believe, however, in the commitment, the ingenuity, and the willingness of Canadians and Canadian industry to tackle that climate change challenge.

Our plan works by getting industry cleaner and more efficient so we release less greenhouse gas for every item we produce down the road. It's realistic. Again, using that 2006 baseline, it'll allow us to cut by an absolute 20% by 2020. This is not intensity-based so much as it is absolute, and that's what I think Canadians want.

Due to the inaction, unfortunately, of the previous government--they had lots of time to get at this--Canada is 33% above Kyoto targets now. That's why we have to use a 2006 baseline. The Liberals talked and talked. There was a lot of hot air, if you will, about cutting our greenhouse gases, but they allowed them to soar. So we have to be realistic as we approach it now. We can't allow projections, as in clause 10; rather, we need to use something more realistic by way of 2006, which is the commitment we have. That's what we'll follow through on.

We're already into the target period of 2008 to 2012. Meeting those targets by 2012, something virtually every Liberal environment minister admitted we could not do, would take Canada into a pretty deep recession, with major job losses and a significant decline in incomes for Canadians. Taking that kind of drastic reaction, using the wrong baselines, would create some real problems for our country. It would be irresponsible at the best of times. In the uncertain economic times in which we live--we're all watching it carefully and seeing what the subprime real estate stuff does to Canada--we have to be prudent about it.

It would be irresponsible to take some of the measures being suggested by members opposite. In particular, the Liberal lack of action in the past has exacerbated that. So we pursue, as we've said here in respect of the baseline and in respect of the practical actions, a balanced plan that stops the increase in Canada's greenhouse emissions and cuts them by about 20% by the year 2020.

We hope to get industry to be significantly more efficient, as we said: 18% more efficient by 2010 and 2% more efficient each and every year after that. We will, as a result--you do the math, you do the calculation--become 18% more efficient. Thereafter, total emissions will be going down, even as the economy is growing at its average rate. In fact, Canada's total emissions, using the 2006 baseline and the practical parts of Turning the Corner, will go down as early as 2010 and no later than 2012, even as the economy grows for us.

Our plan, make no mistake--Mr. Cullen will possibly be pleased to hear this--will impose real costs on the Canadian economy. But we believe that as Canadians together, we can jointly do that.

I guess there are some other myths that come up over time. I know this because out in my part of the country, in Saskatchewan, on the border and over toward Alberta, and so on, some people are clearly negative. They use the rhetoric in terms of the oil sands projects out there. But surely some creativity, innovativeness, and new technology can take care of that, get at that, and help us to actually get some good results in that area.

Some have said that our plan gives a free pass to the oil sands by allowing emissions to double, but that's absolutely not true. If we did not take action, emissions from the oil sands would quadruple by 2020, and that's not acceptable. We cannot allow that to occur.

Our plan imposes the toughest environmental regulations for the oil sands in our history. New oil sands facilities will be required to use carbon capture and storage, or other green technology as well, to massively reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. So you use that 2006 baseline as opposed to--

4:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

Mr. Cullen has a point of order.

4:35 p.m.

NDP

Nathan Cullen NDP Skeena—Bulkley Valley, BC

Thank you, Chair.

The point of order I raise is that we heard from the government at the beginning of this meeting that we were to enter into the substance of this work and do our collective best to achieve results. It is coming up on 50 minutes of talking about the first clause, with no substance or amendments moved by the government whatsoever.

It is very difficult to believe the government's prerogative when they tell us they are sincere and wish to book more meetings to accomplish the work this committee has been commended to do, when after 50 minutes the government has continued to filibuster this bill, after a number of days of filibustering this bill. There is no coherent logic to the government's tactics or approach, and there is no willingness on the government's part to formally demonstrate to the opposition, particularly us, that trust can be re-established at this committee.

If on the very day that the government brought forward a commitment and a plan was agreed to that we all voted on together to get work done, and then 50 minutes of filibustering presented no sincere options and not a single amendment...this is a ridiculous waste of taxpayers' dollars. The government knows they're doing it and must explain to Canadians why they resist any progress on climate change, any progress on the work this committee's been commended to do.

It's ridiculous that the government members present themselves seriously at this table without having one slip of paper--not one amendment to their criticisms in the month we've had this bill--and then pretend some serious concern with the legislation.

4:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

Thank you, Mr. Cullen.

I think he has certainly expressed his point of view and everyone has heard it.

Mr. Warawa.

4:35 p.m.

Conservative

Mark Warawa Conservative Langley, BC

I'm replying to the point of order.

I asked Mr. Cullen if he would be willing to have his plan costed or have an impact analysis done, and he said no. We also asked if he would be willing to have some of the witnesses come back to deal with just the jurisdictional issue, because the bill was severely criticized for that. Amendments were made, presented by him and others, and we have a poorly written bill.

I'm not going to fix up his poorly written bill, but he's refusing to have it critiqued. We have a number of members speaking, and we have some serious concerns about the bill.

As for his wanting to move forward, we want to move forward with Bill C-377. I hope we can finish with this amendment, vote on it, and go to the main motion. But he's refusing to have his bill critiqued. Those are the facts.

4:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

As we all know, this bill will go back to the House. We'll have report stage, and amendments can be made and debated. Of course, it will go to third reading and be debated and ultimately voted on. So there are other opportunities for many members to have input.

Mr. McGuinty can speak very briefly to this point of order. Then I'd like to move on to finish this. I will certainly take Mr. Warawa's suggestion, after Mr. Harvey, that we vote on the clause 10 amendment, vote on clause 10, and get on to clause 11. That would be a delightful thing to do.

March 31st, 2008 / 4:35 p.m.

Liberal

David McGuinty Liberal Ottawa South, ON

Definitely.

I think the government members should come clean and tell the Canadians who are watching this committee today whether they've been instructed to deliberately filibuster this bill. I think they should stop betraying their responsibilities here. If they intend to filibuster this bill for weeks on end, Mr. Chair, then why don't they just have the courage to tell Canadians the truth? Why are they wasting our time and taxpayers' money, and why are they acting as if they had a majority government when they don't?

If you want me to go to the merits of the two tests Mr. Warawa has just put to this committee--the first being that there's no costing--I have asked this government and these members to table the economic modelling that they used for their own plan, the government's plan. I've asked for the econometric modelling. Not a single piece of analysis has been put to this committee that we can apply to this bill. It is a facade. It's a ruse, Mr. Chair.

Secondly, with respect to this question of constitutional aspects, why didn't the government put forward a single constitutional expert to deal with this issue earlier? Where are their constitutional amendments? It is so transparent as to be laughable.

I think the government members should have the courage to tell Canadians what they're up to. If they're trying to block this bill from arriving back at the House of Commons, if they're trying to block this committee from doing its job, then just say so. Stop wasting my time. Stop wasting my constituents' time. Tell us the truth, and if that's the case, let's move on to other business. If that's exactly what's at play here--well, come on, we're not children--we need to know. If you have amendments, put them forward. If you don't, then get to the merits of the bill. Get to the amendments we want to deal with. Let's get down to business and do some work. If somebody else is calling the shots--and I feel for my colleagues if a minister's office is telling you what to do--then you should say so.

As far as I'm concerned, you're individual members of Parliament, and if you want to deal with business and get on with something positive for the country, we're here.

That's my only reaction, Mr. Chair. We're all waiting here to get down to business. All of us here are waiting to get down to the amendments. We have all the text ready to go. We've pre-negotiated much of it. These members of the government agreed to the work plan right here that we signed off on just two weeks ago, saying we would dispose of this bill expeditiously and responsibly. But if you're going to do this, just tell us the truth so we can get on to other business. Then you can take it to the Canadian people and tell the Canadian people why you're doing this, and we will govern ourselves accordingly. But stop wasting our time.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

Thank you, Mr. McGuinty.

My only comment would be that we do have a list of witnesses who've accepted. Some of them are very notable people, and I was surprised that the clerk was able to get them nailed down. I really do hate to see that abandoned and our possibly not getting these excellent witnesses for Bill C-474.

I advise all members that this has been done in good faith. Norm has put a lot of work into this, and hopefully we can get on with this.

Is this about the same point of order? It's the longest point of order, I think, probably--

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

Jeff Watson Conservative Essex, ON

Mr. Chair, I'll be very brief.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

Mr. Harvey, you're speaking to the amendment. This is a point of order that we're still dealing with. I think everyone's had their say, and hopefully we can then move on and ultimately get to vote.

Go ahead very briefly, Mr. Watson.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

Jeff Watson Conservative Essex, ON

I'll keep this very brief, Mr. Chair.

First of all, Mr. McGuinty is not the only member of Parliament with privileges here. We will exercise our privileges accordingly, and one of those is to debate. That's what the rules facilitate.

Secondly, more to the point of this whole exercise in terms of the point of order, I don't believe that a point of order was actually raised here, and Mr. Vellacott should have the floor back.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

It's actually Mr. Harvey's turn, I believe.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

Jeff Watson Conservative Essex, ON

I think he was finished.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

You were finished, were you not? No?

I'm sorry, Mr. Vellacott.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

Maurice Vellacott Conservative Saskatoon—Wanuskewin, SK

You seemed to accept that as a point of order.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

Go ahead, yes.

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

Maurice Vellacott Conservative Saskatoon—Wanuskewin, SK

Exactly.

I'll be fairly brief here, because I think, for most of us around this table and even the members on the opposite side were the roles to have shifted here and they were to be unfortunately on this side, it's quite possible to actually look at a bill and say that it's just irredeemable, it's unsalvageable. So why would it be incumbent upon any member around this table to figure that then they have to rectify it and put together something that's just so shoddy, from the NDP?

I was talking to another member today who has bought a cabin up at a lakeside property, and his dilemma these days, considering that the construction is faulty and it's problematic in terms of the design and so on, is whether to go ahead and try to renovate, try to improve that, whether it's worth doing that. Are you going to build and, at great expense, add these different things and features on something that is fundamentally flawed from the get-go, from the very beginning? That's the dilemma we are faced with.

So I don't take any chiding from Mr. Cullen, because he put something pretty shoddy, an old ramshackle kind of cabin, here on the floor, and we're supposed to help in his renovation project. That hardly makes sense. In fact, most people know, in those cases, you have it set aside, you bulldoze it, you do whatever you need to do, but then you start afresh with something from the ground up in terms of soundness from an engineering point of view, from a construction point of view, in terms of the materials that you use to build, that meets your present-day zoning code, and so on.

So I don't take any chiding from Mr. Cullen in terms of actually having great obligation or onus, and the Canadian public understands that too. With something that's shoddy and flawed, sometimes it's just not possible to redeem it and bring it back to anything of coherence, anything that's cohesive for the Canadian public.

So we'll make those choices. He can have his suggestions, of course, and we will act accordingly, based on a very flawed bill.

They have to recommend to this committee all kinds of amendments to their very own bill, to change it. So they didn't do the homework to begin with. I mean, sometimes you get amendments from the other parties, but in my almost eleven years now I've never seen this kind of thing happen, where somebody brings a bill forward and then has to amend their own bill in a major way. This is somewhat unprecedented, and I think it speaks to the nature of the bill that's before us, as well.

4:45 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

Mr. Harvey, and then Mr. Bigras.

We're beyond our point of order, Mr. Bigras.

4:45 p.m.

Bloc

Bernard Bigras Bloc Rosemont—La Petite-Patrie, QC

Is that a point of order?

4:45 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

He was just finishing his comments.

So I'm going to go to Mr. Harvey quickly, and then to Mr. Bigras, and then hopefully we could vote on the—

4:45 p.m.

Bloc

Bernard Bigras Bloc Rosemont—La Petite-Patrie, QC

I want to speak to the point of order, while Mr. Harvey would like to speak to the substance of the amendment. May I speak to the point of order?

4:45 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Bob Mills

Okay, go ahead.

4:45 p.m.

Bloc

Bernard Bigras Bloc Rosemont—La Petite-Patrie, QC

I'll make it quick. I disagree with my colleague Mr. Vellacott. I too have been a Member of Parliament and a member of this committee for 11 years. Often bills are poorly drafted. They are amended at length in committee. In essence, they are rewritten. You may recall Bill C-30 which was virtually rewritten by a parliamentary committee at the time. Yet, it went on to be endorsed by the committee. If we were able to accomplish that feat with Bill C-30, then we can certainly do the same with Bill C-377.

I am disappointed by the government's attitude. I felt that in the days leading up to our Easter break, we had extended an olive branch to the government by inviting the parliamentary secretary to sit on the steering committee, so that we could get off on the right foot, and work and plan our agenda for the sake of greater efficiency.

We were also acting in good faith during the discussion that just took place. I was surprised to see that the government is prepared to schedule an additional meeting tomorrow to dispense with this bill as quickly as possible. As I see it, the government is stalling to disrupt the committee's business, when in fact we have other matters to attend to.

The government still has 45 minutes to refocus on the basic principles at issue her so that we can move forward and improve the bill. If it has any amendments to propose, then it should do so, by all means. I had some reservations about the bill. I acted as a parliamentarian and proposed these amendments. We debated them and voted on them.

Mr. Chairman, I therefore invite the government to show a little more civility, to stop resorting to stalling tactics and to focus instead on studying the bill.