Evidence of meeting #11 for Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities in the 40th Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was income.

A recording is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

Alain Noël  Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

11:10 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Dean Allison

I'd like to welcome everyone to the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities. The way today's meeting is going to work is that we have Professor Noël joining us.

I want to thank you for taking time out of your schedule to be here today to discuss some of the issues of poverty we've been talking about.

Sir, you'll have 10 to 15 minutes, and then we're going to open up to dialogue, with questions back and forth. Our first round will be seven minutes of questions, including the answers, and then we'll continue with five-minute rounds until about 12:30, if that's agreeable to you.

The second part of our meeting today is going to be in camera. We're going to discuss future business. Mr. Lessard has a motion that we'll want to figure out how to deal with as well. So we have some things to take care of between 12:30 and 1:30 today.

That's all the talking I'm going to do. I'm going to turn it over to you, sir, and you can give us your opening remarks. Then we'll get started on the questions and answers.

Thank you once again for being here. The floor is yours, sir.

11:10 a.m.

Alain Noël Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Thank you very much. Thank you for inviting me. I am pleased to see that your committee attaches great importance to anti-poverty policies. I know that you have been working on this issue for several months and that you are considering a tour to continue your work. I'm very pleased to hear this.

I will speak in French, but afterwards, during the exchanges, I will answer the questions in the language in which they are posed.

I do not have a lot of time, and you have already studied this issue somewhat, so I will just present five aspects, ideas or questions relating to anti-poverty policy. I think that this is what you would like to discuss today, basing the discussion on Quebec's experience. Then, during questions and answers, we could explore each one of these aspects more or look at any other issues that you might want to raise. I will provide you with the five main ideas immediately, and then I will go back to them. They are as follows:

First of all, over the past decade, Quebec has introduced an integrated approach to alleviating poverty, an approach that is still changing, but it is consistent and it is becoming institutionalized. I will come back to this topic. So, my first main idea is the integrated approach.

The second main idea is that in some ways, this approach is unique to Quebec, although it is also in keeping with international trends. You have met with people from Ireland and the United Kingdom. In Europe, many countries are certainly moving in this direction. In Canada, several provinces are also taking this direction. So that is the second idea that I will be discussing briefly.

Third, this integrated approach is paying off. A great deal of work remains to be done, but now that a few years have gone by, we are already seeing practical results thanks to these public policies.

Four, the federal government certainly has a role to play within its areas of jurisdiction and in light of its resources. I will be discussing that point very briefly.

Five, because of the current economic situation, clear directions and actions are even more important, insofar as the years to come may be difficult from an economic point of view and tough for the poorest in society.

I'd now like to discuss the first main idea of my presentation, namely Quebec's integrated approach. The background of this approach is well-known. For the most part, this approach is based on legislation that was passed in December 2002 by all the parties in the National Assembly—unanimously—to offset poverty and social exclusion. This legislation was first designed by a coalition called the Collectif pour une loi sur l'élimination de la pauvreté, which has now become the Collectif pour un Québec sans pauvreté. So you see, a social movement was created for this purpose, bringing together various people and community groups from all regions of Quebec. It included unions, various social movements and organizations, as well as several municipalities. The coalition suggested legislation. Of course, the bill that was finally passed was not the same as the one prepared by the coalition, but all the same, it was a social process that led to this legislation.

In 2004, the first five-year action plan was introduced, on the heels of the 2002 legislation. This action plan has nearly come to an end, and another action plan will follow. This action plan includes a number of measures. Quebec's strategy to alleviate poverty is based on the 2002 legislation and the 2004 action plan, but important measures were taken back in 1997. It was in 1997 that Quebec's public policies began to change.

I won't go into the details, but I will say that the most important interventions within Quebec's framework focus on families, including in particular a restructuring of family allowances, the establishment of the early childhood centres for day care services and finally, parental leave. These measures were brought in to help all families—and we can look at them in greater detail if you wish—particularly lower-income families. The second focus is on work. This policy provides incentives for low-income people to work, somewhat like policies established in several other countries. Under this policy, low-income people receive an incentive if they are working, and the policy provides for drug coverage if people are not covered by an employer.

Early childhood centres are, of course, a support to families, but they also help women to participate in the workforce, and are therefore also part of that component. There was the increase to minimum wage, and more recently, a new deal for employment announced by the Quebec government a little over a year ago. This program is intended to promote the integration of unemployed people into the workforce, as well as people who are facing various obstacles in that domain.

Finally, the third component after family and work is a policy that reaffirms certain social rights, particularly those protecting family allowances from reductions—this was part of the 2004 action plan—and that also indexes social benefits to the cost of living. More recently—this goes back only a few months—benefits for people who are able to work were fully indexed.

We are therefore talking about a set of policies rather than a single one, structured around a certain number of objectives. This is also a way of doing things that includes a number of institutions, which we can discuss in more detail if you wish, but it includes in particular an advisory committee made up of people from various backgrounds in Quebec, including people living in poverty who make recommendations to the government on the targets to be reached, the objectives, etc.

Working alongside the advisory committee is the Centre d'étude sur la pauvreté et l'exclusion, which is more or less the equivalent of what exists in France and is called the Observatoire national de la pauvreté et de l'exclusion sociale. This is a body that provides recommendations to the government on the subject of the indicators to be used to follow people living in poverty. It is therefore a knowledge organization that consults experts.

At the same time, there is also an initiative that promotes social science research on poverty and the issues it involves, which has existed in Quebec for several years. Concerted action is being taken, as we say in the language of Quebec research funds, to finance research in this area. This funding is about to expire and will be renewed over the coming months.

This way of doing things is rather typical of Quebec's way of proceeding, that is to say with several partners, with concerted action, with people working in the domain as well, and it is quite typical of the way things have been done recently in Quebec. It also reflects the fact that the fight against poverty was launched by the people, and therefore cannot simply be carried out by the government.

Finally—and this is the second major component that I will raise today—this integrated approach goes along with and is relatively compatible with what has been done elsewhere in the world over the last few years, more or less since the shift in about the year 2000.

I will not say too much about that, but since the turning point in 2000, the United Nations has set out new millennium objectives for itself on poverty reduction. The European Union, in Lisbon in 2000, also set out objectives and a process for itself. This process aims to provide objectives, somewhat like we did in Quebec, to provide one or more specific action plans, institutional structures to allow for the achievement of these action plans, accountability mechanisms, consideration of the relevant indicators and the participation of people living in poverty.

In short, the Quebec initiative is quite similar to that which was developed by the European Union, without being a carbon copy. There was not really a direct influence, but it was born of the same kind of process and, of course, you have certainly heard about it here. Elsewhere in Canada, in several provinces, people are beginning to move in the same direction. Therefore, this is an integrated initiative, a process that works.

It is obviously rather early to see the results, but we nevertheless can see that, regardless of the yardstick we use, according to the indicators, poverty has been reduced in Quebec over the last decade. If you wish, we could discuss the relevance of various indicators or measures that can be used to assess poverty, which include the Canadian poverty line, the poverty line as it is used by Europeans or the market basket measure as proposed by Human Resources and Skills Development Canada.

There has been a greater decrease in poverty in Quebec than elsewhere in Canada. This is particularly true for families, given that the government devoted most of their efforts to them. Social assistance income in Quebec, as measured by the National Council of Welfare, increased, particularly in the case of families. In the last few years, family incomes for those participating in the workforce and having income from work also improved, particularly income after taxes and transfers. In Quebec, there were fewer inequalities than elsewhere in Canada. The policies therefore seem to be producing results. I will come back to those results a little later on.

I simply want to emphasize that this redistribution did not create any problems in terms of work incentive, quite the contrary. We can in fact see that the number of social assistance claimants went down more in Quebec than in Ontario over the last seven or eight years. Furthermore, we have noted an astonishing fact: households with children, although they had the highest level of social assistance income, stopped claiming that assistance in greater numbers than those without children. Contrary to what we might have thought, by improving the situation of these households, they were not encouraged to remain on social assistance. On the contrary, they integrated the workplace in greater numbers than before. The fact of having greatly improved the situation of families implies that single people were less able to benefit from this trend.

Fourthly, what is the role of the federal government? It plays a very important role, but this role is not set up following a coherent logic targeting poverty reduction. One of the foundations of this role is primarily a remarkable success story. This is not recent, but it allows us to understand what poverty is in Canada. The federal government, along with the provinces, has almost succeeded in eliminating poverty among seniors, over the last 20 to 30 years. In the 1960s and 1970s, Canada was one of the OECD countries with the highest percentage of poor among the elderly. Now, we are among those who have the fewest. This is of course due to the income security programs that come under federal jurisdiction, the Guaranteed Income Supplement, the Canada Pension Plan and the Régime des rentes in the case of Quebec, as well as all of the other measures that contribute to the financial security of retired persons.

When we think of the role of the federal government, we also see that alongside this success is a failure. As remarkable as the effort has been as far as the elderly are concerned, the situation of aboriginal peoples is a disaster. This is of course a very important issue for the federal government. Without getting into the finer points of federal areas of jurisdiction, I would say that it is very important not to be too quick to promote a pan-Canadian approach intended to standardize what is being done in Canada. Why? First of all because much of what needs to be done does not come under federal jurisdiction, while at the same time much of what could be done comes under federal jurisdiction.

The issue is therefore to identify what the federal government can do. It is also important to say that the policies we are discussing here are new policies that we are experimenting with. Quebec is carrying out its own experiments. We are learning. Several European countries are doing the same thing and several Canadian provinces have begun to think along the same lines. We do not yet know what will bring the most success. Therefore, there are great advantages to working within the federal framework and leaving the provinces to their own experiments according to their priorities.

As far as the federal government's role is concerned, putting aside of course the issue of aboriginal peoples, there seem to be two priority issues. First, employment insurance, which is the main income security program for Canadians of working age, must be improved, which is quite clearly a federal responsibility. Second, there are the transfers to the provinces, which play an important role in funding social programs. I would add that the federal government has a role to play—that it is already playing—and it will be called upon by the provinces regarding the measurement of poverty.

Statistics Canada and, above all, Human Resources Development Canada have worked on the development of the market basket measure. This measure appears to be very interesting from Quebec's perspective because it takes into account the real costs incurred by people living in poverty. It is not without its difficulties as a measurement tool, but it rounds out the low-income measure used by the Europeans and it is certainly of more interest than the poverty threshold used by Statistics Canada, which is more and more out of date.

There are other aspects of poverty that we are not well aware of, particularly as far as social exclusion and the deprivation of material goods is concerned, to which Statistics Canada could very usefully contribute.

In conclusion, we are entering a period of recession. This does not call into question the efforts that have been made. On the contrary, it brings us back to the issue of available resources and brings back to the table the importance of employment insurance and transfers.

Thank you very much and I am ready to take your questions.

11:25 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Dean Allison

Thank you, sir.

We're going to move to the first round, starting with the Liberal Party. I have Madame Folco, for seven minutes, please.

11:25 a.m.

Liberal

Raymonde Folco Liberal Laval—Les Îles, QC

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I would like to welcome you, Mr. Noël. Unfortunately, you will have to answer me in French.

Several points that you have raised are of interest to us and we intend to discuss them, for example the potential reform of the employment insurance program. It is very clear and I believe that all of the parties agree that there are things that must be done. What will those things be? We will obviously see in the fullness of time.

We also agree with you on the issue of seniors. This should prove that in certain cases, the financial assistance program can help certain groups of people on its own. It must be noted.

In Quebec, where I am from, an enormous amount of work has been done, some of which you have spoken to us about. What are the lessons that you have learned, you and the people who have studied this issue? We don't want to reinvent the wheel nor to start again at the beginning, because certain important and positive actions have already been taken. I would like to hear what you have to say regarding what worked very well and what worked less well. You could also tell us why. It would be helpful to us if you could tell us how the federal government can tackle the problem, through its programs, so that we do not reinvent the wheel as concerns what has been done in Quebec.

With the current economic situation, what does the Quebec government intend to do? Will the programs that it has implemented be enough? I doubt it. How does the government and the organizations that support it intend to move on? How could the federal government learn from Quebec's experiences? It would not be for the first time, furthermore.

11:30 a.m.

Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Alain Noël

That's a multi-pronged question.

11:30 a.m.

Liberal

Raymonde Folco Liberal Laval—Les Îles, QC

Yes, but I'm asking it for a reason.

11:30 a.m.

Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Alain Noël

If I look back, when there was the debate in Quebec about the Act to combat Poverty and Social Exclusion, I was somewhat skeptical, even though I did not admit it. I had been asked to support the proposal. At that time, I was on sabbatical in California and I was happy to be able to say that I wasn't in Quebec and all the rest. I was skeptical because I knew that the act would be adopted, but what would happen then? In the end, what we learned is that it is very important, first of all, to acknowledge that problem and, second of all, to make it a political issue that must be debated openly.

The idea of adopting a lucid approach, which consists in saying that it's a priority, that objectives and tools are established, and that progress is evaluated, is an important contribution. It could even be said that by doing this, we accept that we cannot do everything all at once. Realistic objectives are established so that we can at least move forward in the right direction. That is one aspect.

Something else that emerges from what has been done in Quebec over the past decade, is that the policies that have worked best are those that target all families, households and individuals. Social policy experts have a saying that is heard not only in Canada but throughout the western world. I think it comes from a Swedish sociologist, who once said that policies for the poor are poor policies.

Child care centres are an example of this. When my children were young enough to attend these centres, there were measures to assist the poor in paying child care expenses. They had to apply, there were forms to fill out, it was complicated. If the person lost their job, they also lost their space in the child care centre.

By creating child care centres that are affordable and accessible to all, these are not policies for the poor, they are policies for people who have children. What occurred as a result—and econometric studies are very clear on this—is that women of employable age were able to enter the labour market. This made a difference. Many women were able to return to work. European countries that study birth rates, employment and poverty almost unanimously advocate a system somewhat like the one that was established in Quebec. What has also happened in Quebec is that not only have more women entered the labour market, but young families have also started having more children. Having children is, in a sense, coming back into fashion in Quebec. Good things come hand in hand.

So first, we need an integrated approach, and second, one that, insofar as possible, creates a political framework for everyone, not only, for example, welfare recipients. Earlier, I mentioned a Swedish sociologist, but Plume Latraverse, who has been a major inspiration for me, sings a song called Les pauvres. The chorus of this song says that poor people have no money. Plume Latraverse sings that poor people can't get it together, are poorly dressed, never take holidays, and just sit around on their balconies, but the chorus says that poor people have no money. And that's the bottom line. Poverty is first and foremost a lack of income and what that means, whether we like it or not, is that that question has to be addressed sooner or later. We must create mechanisms that will improve personal income. It's been done fairly well for families and for senior citizens. It's been done fairly well for families, over the past few years, and not only for one category of families.

Again, we created mechanisms. Luc Godbout, author of a small book published this fall and entitled Le Québec, un paradis pour les familles? shows how Quebec and federal government transfers changed things for families over the last 10 years. Thanks to these transfers, a family with an income of $25,000 per year receives an increase of about $14,000.

We've created mechanisms which improved income for all families, including mine, and social assistance recipients. In so doing, things have improved for everyone. That is the positive side.

11:35 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Dean Allison

Yes, thank you.

11:35 a.m.

Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Alain Noël

I have one final point to raise; that is a broad question. The negative side is that we haven't managed to do the same thing for people without children. The field is wide open and there remains a great deal to be done.

I will stop at that.

11:35 a.m.

Liberal

Raymonde Folco Liberal Laval—Les Îles, QC

Thank you very much.

11:35 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Dean Allison

Thank you.

I realize it's a big question. Thank you for trying to get that to us.

We're going to have Mr. Lessard for seven minutes, please.

11:35 a.m.

Bloc

Yves Lessard Bloc Chambly—Borduas, QC

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I also would like to thank Mr. Noël for being here this morning and for sharing his observations with us and his experience in the field of legislation and studies on poverty.

My question may also be rather broad. This morning, I had prepared a number of technical questions which may seem too easy to you. I'm somewhat puzzled by what we are doing here, in part. I bring it up before the committee on occasion and I'll just tell it like it is.

In my view, some aggravating factors for poverty are a result of ill-suited policies or unimplemented ones, and of measures that have been eliminated. In fact you raised one of these policies on two occasions, employment insurance. It is a glaring aggravating factor implemented by the two political parties which have held power. I do not want to enter into the partisan fray, but I simply want to deal with the constraints imposed on people to prevent them from accessing employment insurance.

On that point, you said that the increase in social assistance benefits did not decrease people's interest for work. On the contrary, there has been a notated increase in the number of people in the labour market, which counters the view that receiving employment insurance benefits discourages people from going to work. That is practically how things are stated by other political parties.

Do you not believe we should clearly identify the aggravating factors for poverty in the measures taken by governments over the last few years? That way we would not be doing meaningless work. As an aside, I would add that if there is no political will, no firm desire to eliminate poverty, if we do not create legislation followed by policy and advisory councils, as was done in Quebec, it will be very difficult to deal with this.

I warned you my question would be broad, but it stems from a genuine desire to fight poverty.

11:40 a.m.

Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Alain Noël

With respect to your final point, the idea of creating framework legislation, a policy or an action plan is important, as is the setting of goals. It also relates to the idea that generally, when we create public policy we need to be sensitive to its effect on various segments of the population.

You referred to employment insurance, for instance. The fact that it is difficult to access employment insurance will have a different effect on various categories of people. For instance, someone not receiving EI is not necessarily poor, because he or she may have a spouse, for instance, who holds a good job, etc. However, we need further information. We should be able to understand the effects of public policy.

All this to say that poverty is not strictly related to the way markets operate or individual people's capacities or skills. It is also a creature of public policy. Governments do a great deal to counter poverty created by market or other social inequalities, but they may also sometimes worsen the situation. This may not be the forum to do so, but we should reflect on public policy. One criteria in the development of public policy should be at the very least not to worsen the situation, and at best, to improve it.

11:40 a.m.

Bloc

Yves Lessard Bloc Chambly—Borduas, QC

I gave the example of employment insurance. There have also been drastic cuts, over the years, to social housing. From 1993 to 2001, the federal government stopped contributing to social housing. I am drawing a parallel here to better understand your thoughts on this subject and to refer to the budget in Quebec. For instance, Ms. Monique Jérôme-Forget told us that she did not touch parental leave nor day care because it is an investment which will pay dividends in 10, 15 or 20 years. The taking of this political position on the part of a political leader is a visionary move because it is indeed a real tool in the fight against poverty. On the other hand, namely in Ottawa, we have ended up with cutbacks to balance the budget.

The National Council of Welfare is of the view that Canada should have a strategy. It did not refer to legislation but to a strategy for eliminating poverty. Do you think that is a good idea, and if so, what should be the key aspects of this strategy?

11:40 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Dean Allison

Go ahead, Mr. Noël.

11:40 a.m.

Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Alain Noël

The answer is yes. The strategy should first stem from federal areas of jurisdiction. The federal government should review all measures under its jurisdiction which have a significant effect. We raised employment insurance, but the other central issue is taxation, or the redistribution of income within Canada.

11:40 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Dean Allison

Thank you very much.

We'll go to Mr. Martin. You have seven minutes.

11:40 a.m.

NDP

Tony Martin NDP Sault Ste. Marie, ON

Thank you very much.

Thanks for being here today.

I was particularly impressed, initially, with the comments you made about making sure that we lift everybody out of poverty. And you're noting that when you target your programs to all families, you tend to do that. You also mentioned the federal success, for seniors, of the Canada Pension Plan, the OAS, and the GIS and how they have lifted a lot of people out of poverty.

We had Ontario before us last weekend, and they've set themselves some interesting targets. I find them very narrow, though. They're going to lift 25% of children out of poverty in five years. But what about the other 75%, and what about the rest of the population that is living in poverty?

In terms of that and of what you shared with us today, what lessons have been learned thus far in implementing the strategy to combat poverty and social exclusion? What are the strengths and weaknesses of the Quebec anti-poverty strategy?

11:45 a.m.

Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Alain Noël

I guess you are right that it may not be good to have targets that are too narrow, but at the same time maybe it's better to have targets than to have none.

To keep on the example of children, the discussion in Canada has often been focused on taking children out of poverty. To some extent it is vocabulary, but the Quebec policies are focused on families rather than on children. I think it's important to do that, because children are poor because they live in poor families. It makes sense to think of the whole family as the unit that matters in this respect.

Just to be brief, the lessons that I stress are that it's important to have a strategy, to have targets, to have objectives, and to have a process, also, so that not only does a government present a strategy, but it also has a process whereby stakeholders can have a say, where you make sure you hear from people in situations of poverty and from groups in the communities, so that all are involved. It is not just a matter of having the right policy; it's doing it the right way.

It's important, as you mentioned, to focus on all households and all persons, not only on the poorest. The choice used to be presented very often as either to go universally, give everybody the same family allowance, for instance, or to be targeted and target only the poor. Now most social policies tend to be universal and targeted. You can reach everybody, but with special effort for the poorest. You can be relatively precise.

11:45 a.m.

NDP

Tony Martin NDP Sault Ste. Marie, ON

You spoke briefly at the end about the need to recognize that there are others who live in poverty too, single women and single men who don't live in families as we know them, that kind of thing. The Quebec definition of poverty includes social exclusion, which is defined as a condition of a human being who is deprived of resources, means, choices, and power necessary to acquire and maintain economic self-sufficiency or facilitate integration and participation in society. On the economic front--of course, fighting poverty is good economic policy as well—Quebec is unique in the recognition of the need to use creative vehicles like cooperatives and the social economy to reduce poverty.

In your mind, what is social exclusion, and how does the concept of social exclusion influence the provincial strategy? How do you measure that?

11:45 a.m.

Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Alain Noël

The definition you just gave is actually the definition of poverty in the law, and the law, if I remember correctly.... I'm not even sure the law defines “social exclusion”. I work with the Centre for the Study of Poverty and Exclusion in Quebec, and we've come up with various recommendations for indicators of poverty—indicators of inequality also, because one thing we had just last week was a presentation by Jean-Michel Cousineau, who is an economist at the University of Montreal who was able to show that, of course, poverty and inequality are not the same thing, but the more unequal your society becomes, the more poverty you have. There is a connection.

So we're working on indicators of poverty, and we have good indicators for poverty, for inequality—but social exclusion, we're working on it. That's a concept that's.... Personally, I'm not convinced it would be the best avenue for you to use this concept, because there's no international consensus on what it means. The Europeans have gone through the same process as part of the open method of coordination. Each country in Europe has to produce national action plans against social exclusion, and at the European level they asked groups of social scientists to develop indicators, and they did. But most of the indicators they developed were really poverty indicators or deprivation indicators. For social exclusion, I think the British are coming up with some definitions. It's extremely difficult to reach a consensus on what it means. If you're not sure what it means, then of course measuring it is difficult.

I'm not saying we should not think about it, but given the state of knowledge on this question, it may not be the concept that's most helpful.

11:50 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Dean Allison

Thank you very much for your response.

We're going to now move over to Mr. Komarnicki.

11:50 a.m.

Conservative

Ed Komarnicki Conservative Souris—Moose Mountain, SK

Thank you, Chair.

Thank you for your presentation and insight in this area.

I know you answered it somewhat, but I want to get more particular. Given the strategy Quebec has, in terms of how successful you see it, and particularly with the state of the economy, the evolving economy, what impact is it having on your strategy? How well do you think you'll do by the target date of 2013, I think it is?

11:50 a.m.

Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, As an Individual

Alain Noël

I am having difficulties hearing. Maybe if you move closer to your microphone.... But this will be translated, right?

11:50 a.m.

Conservative

Ed Komarnicki Conservative Souris—Moose Mountain, SK

Yes.