House of Commons Hansard #61 of the 39th Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was equality.

Topics

Opposition Motion--Status of WomenBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

All those in favour of the motion will please say yea.

Opposition Motion--Status of WomenBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

Some hon. members

Yea.

Opposition Motion--Status of WomenBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

All those opposed will please say nay.

Opposition Motion--Status of WomenBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

Some hon. members

Nay.

Opposition Motion--Status of WomenBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:15 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

In my opinion the nays have it.

And five or more members having risen:

Call in the members.

(The House divided on the motion, which was negatived on the following division:)

Vote #61

Business of SupplyGovernment Orders

5:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

I declare the motion lost.

It being 5:45 p.m., the House will now proceed to consideration of private members' business as listed on today's order paper.

The House resumed from February 5 consideration of the motion.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

5:45 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

When we last discussed Motion No. 410, the hon. member for Crowfoot had the floor. He still has seven minutes under debate.

The hon. member for Crowfoot.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

5:45 p.m.

Conservative

Kevin Sorenson Conservative Crowfoot, AB

Mr. Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity today to discuss Motion No. 410 as it relates to Iran and Sudan. We are all deeply concerned about the human rights and humanitarian situations that exist in both Sudan and Iran. We are also deeply concerned by Iran's nuclear activities.

We are pleased to fully support the hon. member's view that further pressure must be placed upon the governments of Iran and Sudan, including increased economic pressure to meet international standards of conduct.

Our concerns with the governments of Iran and Sudan are reflected in our approach to bilateral relations with these two countries.

Our bilateral relations with Iran are governed by the tightened controlled engagement policy. The policy limits official bilateral dialogue to the following four topics: the case of murdered Canadian Iranian Zahra Kazemi; Iran's human rights performance; Iran's nuclear program; and finally, Iran's role in the region.

Under the controlled engagement policy, Canada prohibits the opening of Iranian consulates, cultural centres and Iranian banks here in Canada. Moreover, it proscribes the establishment of direct air links and high level visits.

In regard to Sudan, Canada has withheld trade and commercial support, as well as trade development programs to Canadian businesses wishing to do business or invest in Sudan since 1992. In addition, bilateral government to government aid has been suspended to Sudan since the early 1990s, and arms sales have been banned since 1992.

Canada's engagement in Sudan is to support multinational peacekeeping forces and to facilitate support for the implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement which ended the civil war in 2005, and to support efforts to resolve the current conflict in Darfur.

In regard to Iran, Canada has supported and responded to the warning of the Financial Action Task Force on the risks posed to the international financial system by deficiencies in Iran's anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing regime. The Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions recently issued an advisory drawing attention to the recommendations for heightened attention to transactions related to Iran as a result of these concerns. This advisory is consistent with the due diligence obligations on Canadian financial institutions under the Iran regulations.

The steady decline in trade with Iran since 2001 demonstrates that the business community understands that there are risks associated with doing business with Iran. It is no coincidence that at a time when Iran's neighbours are enjoying an unprecedented economic boom resulting from high oil prices, Iran, which benefits from enormous oil and gas reserves, is suffering an economic meltdown.

The collective efforts of the international community and the approach it has taken toward doing business with Iran has had a huge impact. As long as Iran continues to contravene broadly accepted international norms, there is little prospect that this will change.

Canada also works within the multilateral system and with our international partners to sustain pressure on Iran and Sudan to improve their behaviour.

Iran deliberately concealed its nuclear activities for almost two decades and has failed to comply with numerous International Atomic Energy Agency and United Nations Security Council resolutions.

Continuation of Iran's sensitive nuclear activities, particularly the enrichment of uranium, could give it the capability to develop nuclear weapons. Such a development would be a matter of grave concern. Canada is seriously concerned about major inconsistencies in Iran's arguments regarding the peaceful nature of its nuclear program.

Canada has fully implemented the binding economic measures against Iran called for under UNSC resolutions 1737 and 1747. On March 3, 2008, the United Nations Security Council issued resolution 1803 in response to Iran's failure to comply with its international obligations under the previous UN resolutions. This new resolution will increase the pressure on Iran to suspend all sensitive nuclear activities, including uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing activities.

As with the previous Security Council resolutions, Canada will ensure its full compliance through Canadian domestic law. These UN sanctions, which have received no negative votes in the Security Council, send a very strong political signal to Iran that it must change its behaviour with respect to uranium enrichment activities, or continue to face harsh multilateral sanctions from the international community.

The UN Security Council, through various resolutions, has imposed an arms embargo against Sudan. Canada has shown great dedication toward, and remains very concerned about, the human rights situation in both Iran and Sudan.

Iran blatantly disregards its commitments and obligations under both international and domestic law. The new penal code being drafted in Iran, particularly a section that imposes the death penalty for apostasy, in other words converting to a new religion, witchcraft and heresy, targets religious minorities and clearly violates Iran's commitments under the international human rights conventions to which Iran is a party.

Executions of minors and others, including through cruel methods, continue to be carried out. The persecution of religious and ethnic minorities, such as the Baha'is, continues with no end in sight. For example, attacks against Baha'i children and youth occur on a daily basis and include even the expulsion of Baha'i children from primary school and even kindergarten. Freedom of expression in the media is limited. Women's rights are oppressed. These deplorable actions compel the Government of Canada to continue to work with the international community to pressure Iran to change its behaviour.

Mr. Speaker, I see that my time is up. In conclusion, I would just like to say that for all these reasons and much more that I was not able to mention, we will support this motion. We commend the member opposite for bringing this motion forward.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

5:50 p.m.

Bloc

Meili Faille Bloc Vaudreuil—Soulanges, QC

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure for me to address the House today and to speak to this issue. Motion M-410 suggests that punitive action be taken against Sudan and Iran. It seeks essentially to encourage Canada to exert pressure on the regime in Tehran, Iran, and the Sudanese government.

I believe that the member for York Centre wishes to break the silence, here in this House, about these human tragedies. However, the proposed measures will not be fruitful without a more comprehensive consideration of the impact of such measures. I do not understand what led the member to propose a single initiative for two countries that are in totally different situations. Each case could be dealt with separately, and that would probably be the most effective way of proceeding.

It is possible that such measures would have no effect on the targeted governments and that the only result would be a serious disruption in the peace and security of these regions. To find a solution, we must deal with the situations in Iran and the Sudan separately. It was unwise to suggest dealing with these two different cases in the same motion. What are needed are measures that will lead civil society to change and an investment in peacebuilding efforts. We must see to it that the means to implement an agreement are put in place.

What is tragic is that governments must also revisit their restrictive administrative practices with respect to the citizens of these countries. Western and European countries give in to the blackmail of these autocratic regimes, which do not respect international rules. For example, we need only consider the rules for immigration and refugee status applicable to refugee claimants from these two countries.

We have seen cases, situations in which people have argued on the basis of their sexual orientation, and their cases have not been given a proper hearing. They have been removed to those countries. So we have to review some of the measures and policies that apply here. We have to look at Canada’s position as a whole. We have to look not only at what goes on outside Canada, but also at what goes on here, in our own country.

It is hard to believe that when the government negotiates its policies it does not take into consideration the fact that when it grants asylum, it is engaging in actions that appear hostile to those countries, and that this could be damaging to talks.

There are examples. For instance, in France, the government has signed bilateral agreements with Iran to protect the economic interests of the Total company. That happened in 2003. It is one example among many. I know that my colleague from the Montreal region talked about some of them. If I am not mistaken, it was my colleague in the NDP who identified Total. A little research into that company reveals that not only French interests are involved; Canadian and other foreign interests are also involved. These countries have signed bilateral agreements, but they apply policies domestically that they use during negotiations within the framework of those agreements.

There is another matter that it is difficult to assess: the effectiveness of those regimes at infiltrating our intelligence services. For example, testimony given by people from Iran or the Sudan, who are now here, reveals that they engage in disinformation.

It is clear to observers that the Islamic regime cannot tolerate internal reform. We can see this. If I am not mistaken, some of my colleagues have raised this here in the House. At present, students are marching in the streets, women are being oppressed, and there have been thousands of public executions.

These facts are known, and we have to take them into consideration.

The number of people executed in Iran has now risen above 150,000. This is no small number, and it is alarming. The people of Iran are entitled to better support and better protection against an ideology that systematically blocks the emancipation of women in Iran.

I agree with what my other colleagues have said in this House. We have to initiate a debate so that, as I said earlier, we can find a way to make appropriate changes to our international affairs policy. We have to consider the question so that we can formulate a more coherent policy, one that is more respectful of the democratic aspiration and of our values.

The autocratic nature of these regions clashes with the values that our society holds dear, values that include equality between men and women, freedom to participate in civil society, freedom of expression and our opposition to the death penalty, to name but a few.

I must also point out, however, that we have to oppose any unilateral action. We have to work within the parameters of the international framework and the United Nations rules. We must therefore reinforce the multilateral approach.

We may question the effectiveness of the motion, considering Canada's political weight. Canada has hardly any investments in Sudan or Iran, so if it acts unilaterally, its action will have little impact on those countries. Sudan and Iran's largest economic partners are Russia and China. So even if Canada starts withdrawing investments, Sudan and Iran can always continue their business relationships with their partners, which would mean that Canada's actions would have almost no effect.

We believe that measures will carry more weight if we take a broader view of the issue and if we let the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade do its work.

The issue raised in the motion by the member for York Centre is premature.

Negotiations are underway with Iran. Taking such a measure now could harm these discussions and could affect Canada's potential international position. A resolution has been passed to sanction Iran. I think that Canada can work within this framework—or at least the government can be forced to do so.

Canada's current legislation already places significant importance on economic sanctions in multilateral fora. So if the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade agrees, nothing will stop the government from taking action then.

I will leave it at that for now.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6 p.m.

NDP

Thomas Mulcair NDP Outremont, QC

Mr. Speaker, I too am very pleased to speak to this important motion, which, as my colleague just explained, concerns two relatively different topics that have a common element, and that is Canada's role in the world where we are needed most.

I am pleased to rise to speak to the motion before the House. As members know, the NDP has been extremely concerned about the supreme humanitarian crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan. We have also voiced our grave concerns about the situation in Iran, the flagrant abuse of human rights, the crackdown on people's freedoms and, most disturbingly, the Iranian president's continuous, repeat, bizarre and inflamed outbursts against Israel, against Jews, calling for the destruction of Israel.

The lack of a resolution to the case of Zahra Kazemi, a Canadian citizen killed at the hands of Iranian authorities, is also of great concern, as are the growing fears over that country's possible attempt to develop a nuclear arsenal.

Sudan and Iran, as I mentioned, pose two very different challenges to the international community and to Canada. I hope to set out some of the positions of the NDP on this issue.

With regard to the supreme humanitarian crisis in Darfur, we believe Canada must take immediate action. It is not enough simply to point at the inaction of other countries. By the latest UN estimates, over 450,000 people have been killed due to the violence and disease in Darfur, probably more. Millions, as we know, have been displaced. Rape, destruction and ethnic cleansing have been carried out with total impunity.

I will briefly describe the NDP's action plan for Darfur. It is a three step plan that calls on the Canadian government to use that most precious resource, which is our proud reputation as a peacekeeper in the world. We suggest therefore that Canada support resolution 1769 by committing personnel and resources. We know what kind of challenge is involved. It is a huge area and the needs are great, but we have to start.

We also have to invest in the long term development of the civil society and the peace process in Darfur, something in which Canada has a great deal of experience and can be put to good use here.

We also believe we have to divest all Canadian investment from the Sudan.

New Democrats believe Canada must take a leadership role in Darfur. Resolutions do not protect vulnerable citizens. Peacekeepers can.

Canada must provide personnel and resources to support the UN's vitally important mission. We have a clear chapter 7 mandate to protect civilians. We have the consent of the government of Sudan. We have four years of violence and destruction behind us.

Canada talks about global leadership and the responsibility to protect, and that is what the government is doing. This mission will be a crucial test of both. We need to demonstrate our commitment with troops on the ground.

Members will hear some suggest that Canada's military is already overstretched because of our engagement in Afghanistan. That is precisely part of the problem. Indeed, by putting all our eggs in one basket in the Kandahar region in southern Afghanistan, we are not leaving enough for an extremely important mission like Darfur.

This is one of the main reasons that the New Democrats have called for an end to Canada's engagement in the current counter-insurgency war in Afghanistan. We think it is a wrong-headed mission. It will not produce the hoped for result. We also think this is a supreme humanitarian crisis that deserves all our attention.

We have reached out to the Liberals to join us in our effort to end the war in Afghanistan. We recognize they have a fundamental choice before them. They have to choose between war and peace. We think Canada should continue to use its reputation to build a comprehensive peace process. Being involved in search and destroy missions in southern Afghanistan, is not going to bring that result. One does not build schools with uranium-depleted shells from a howitzer.

I take this opportunity to once again to invite my Liberal colleagues to think about that and to choose the path to peace that we are proposing.

We also envision our troops contributing to an independent foreign policy committed to the values of all Canadians. Canadians have always been proud of our contributions to the UN peacekeeping force. We have fallen far off the list of the top 10 contributors to peacekeeping. Believe it or not, we are now at number 50, and it is time to change.

The United Nations resolution is a first, absolutely crucial step toward bringing stability to the Darfur region of Sudan. Canada must show international leadership by providing troops for this mission. Nonetheless, this mission is but a minor aspect of a comprehensive strategy that must be implemented if we truly want to achieve peace.

There cannot be a military solution to the Darfur crisis. The underlining problems are political. Therefore, Canada must demonstrate its commitment by working towards a political solution.

Financial and intellectual assistance in the development of a political solution is the second part of the NDP's action for Darfur. That means a major financial and diplomatic commitment to support the successful implementation of the existing CPA, which is the comprehensive peace agreement between the north and the south, as well as reigniting the failed Darfur peace talks to strengthen and broaden the Darfur peace agreement.

Peace cannot be achieved without the development of a vibrant civil society and its meaningful engagement in the comprehensive peace process. A lot of valuable work is being done by people on the ground in Darfur on this front and Canada should be supporting these efforts. We should be there front and centre.

For instance, I had a meeting with a constituent recently. We talked about the situation there. That citizen was extremely concerned about the fact that Canada was failing in Darfur and realized, like we do in the NDP, that we had been putting all of our efforts into Afghanistan in a failed mission.

I can also tell members that people like Stephen Lewis, with a proud history in the NDP, has always reminded us, in reference to Africa's struggle against HIV-AIDS, “all roads lead from women to social change”. I am encouraged by the leadership that women are providing in Darfur to bring peace to their community, but as we all know and understand, in this crisis situation they cannot do it alone.

The third part of the NDP's action plan is to cut off any financial contribution that Canadian corporations may be making directly or indirectly to the atrocities in Darfur. Many Canadians have taken personal steps to ensure that their money is invested in ethical businesses. However, in our well-informed world, knowing what we know about Darfur, business as usual is disgraceful. It is downright wrong.

New Democrats fully expect Canadian companies operating throughout the world to hold themselves to the highest standards of corporate social responsibility. One need only think about Canadian mining companies around the world. The Canadian government cannot speak out for human rights in places like Darfur and then allow Canadian companies to undermine these efforts by cooperating and legitimizing the regimes responsible for violating human rights in the first place.

To that end, the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development has adopted an NDP motion to undertake a study of Canadian companies whose business is directly or indirectly contributing to the crisis in Darfur.

On Iran, it should be borne in mind that the NDP has been very clear in its criticism of the Islamic Republic regime. The NDP continues to condemn Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for his inflamed anti-Semitic and anti-Israel declarations.

The NDP calls on Canada to lead a united global effort aimed at convincing Iran to immediately halt its imprisonment, torture and execution of minors and other citizens for their religious and ideological beliefs, notably members of the Baha'i faith. We have seen to where that can lead. We saw, for example, a man being deported to Malaysia by the Conservative government refusing to provide him the ability to stay here as a refugee. That deportation sees him going back to a country that, according to Amnesty International, is going to put him in jail for 20 years, not for anything he has done but who he is. This is the type of breach of human rights that we are talking about here: torture, execution of minors and other citizens for what they believe.

The members of the Baha'i faith, a beautiful faith based on understanding and peace, is in particular harm's way in Iran and we condemn the current regime in Iran for that.

We also urge the government to call for the immediate release of Mansour Osanlou, President of the Syndicate of Workers of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company who has been in prison almost continuously since December 2005, as well as Iranian prisoners of conscience.

The NDP wants the government to work with international community to convince Iran to negotiate in good faith and to participate in open and constructive dialogue to put a definitive end to any thought of pursuing nuclear material enrichment in Iran. It will lead to grave destabilization in the region, which has already known more grief than it needs, but this can only make things worse.

The NDP continues to demand justice in the murder and torture, as I mentioned, of Zahra Kazemi. It is an unbelievable situation.

While we are extremely concerned about the possibility of Iran developing an arsenal based on nuclear weapons, we also warn against any unilateral action that could further inflame the region. We want to ensure that everything is tried and we do not head for war unless there is no other option.

Canada must make it perfectly clear to our allies that mistakes on the Iraq war should not be repeated with Iran and a peaceful solution achieved through diplomatic means is possible and, indeed, the best way forward.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:10 p.m.

Liberal

Mario Silva Liberal Davenport, ON

Mr. Speaker, I seek unanimous consent of the House to split my time with the member for London North Centre.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:10 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

Is there consent?

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:10 p.m.

Some hon. members

Agreed.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:10 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

There is consent. The hon. member for Davenport has the floor for five minutes.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:10 p.m.

Liberal

Mario Silva Liberal Davenport, ON

Mr. Speaker, tragically, we as human beings are reminded all too often of the sad reality that there are people who, for whatever reason or cause, are prepared to inflect upon their fellow human beings unimaginable acts of cruelty and hatred.

If we are to work toward a more just, stable and peaceful world, we need to ensure that violations of human rights are confronted forcefully. It was the Dalai Lama who stated, “Peace can only last where human rights are respected”.

History is unfortunately full of examples where peace is undermined simply because of indifference, fear to confront, or a belief that nothing could be done to change what is occurring in a given state or region.

The two nations noted in this motion, Sudan and Iran, are indeed countries in which human rights are clearly and consistently being violated. Through a systematic and institutionalized means, these two states act in a manner that cries out for action on the part of the world community.

The amount of human suffering in Darfur is simply unimaginable. It is also absolutely and completely unacceptable. The United Nations report in 2005 confirms that within Darfur, murder, torture, mass rape, summary executions and arbitrary detention have taken place.

The United Nations has passed no less than 15 resolutions with respect to human rights abuses in Sudan. U.N. resolution 1590, passed in 2005, mandates the implementation of the Darfur peace agreement which Sudan continues to defy in practical terms. Resolution 1706, passed recently, extends the mandate to October 15, 2008.

This situation is intolerable and the ongoing violence against the people of Darfur is a blight upon the world community.

Similarly, the situation with regard to Iran is totally unacceptable within the context of international human rights law and in respect of the most fundamental standards of state-sponsored conduct.

One has only to look at the volumes of evidence confirming human rights violations in Iran. These violations extend to labour leaders, religious groups, dissidents, gays, lesbians, women and journalists to name but a few.

We in Canada are familiar with the terrible actions by Iranian officials that resulted in the death of journalist, Zahra Kazemi. In particular, the Iranian prosecutor, General Saeed Mortazavi, must be brought to justice for his actions.

I have presented a motion before this House calling for the initiation of an international criminal investigation of General Mortazavi and will continue to demand action in respect to his conduct.

As recently as February 22 of this year, Human Rights Watch has called upon Iran to end the practice of executing juveniles. As with most of these cases, the very validity of the alleged crimes is called into question.

This morning, Ms. Shirin Ebadi appeared before the Subcommittee on International Human Rights where she spoke about the violation of human rights in Iran. Ms. Ebadi is, of course, the recipient of the 2003 Nobel peace prize for her work on human rights and the promotion of democracy.

We know that Iran, either directly or indirectly through agencies and groups, supports and encourages these violations. What is referenced here are the most brutal measures that are absolutely incompatible with the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights or the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action which confirms that human rights are universal, to name just two international conventions governing state conduct.

The situation in these two nations is bleak to say the least. The level of human suffering in Sudan and Iran is something we cannot ignore and we must take action as parliamentarians.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:15 p.m.

Liberal

Glen Pearson Liberal London North Centre, ON

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague from Davenport for his willingness to share his time.

I want to speak a bit personally. I know we are wrapping this us, but it is important for us to remember that we are actually speaking about something that many Canadians have already undertaken.

I would like to commend a group called STAND, Students Taking Action Now! Darfur. This group has been in our universities and high schools for a number of years now and has been acting really hard on the issue of Darfur. I had the privilege of taking a couple of their members to Darfur this past January and I was very impressed with their commitment.

These students decided they were going to go after all the various universities in the country that had investments in Darfur. I would like to commend them because at the end of the day, they have been successful at getting a number of universities across the country to divest from the companies that are taking part in what is going on in Sudan. This included my own university, the University of Western Ontario, which had invested in six companies.

STAND was so proficient and consistent at what it did that I am proud to announce that the university president, Mr. Paul Davenport, has now pulled the University of Western Ontario out of all of those investments. We are speaking about something that Canadians are already involved in.

There was mention earlier of the peace talks that took place between north and south Sudan. I was at those peace talks along with my wife and there was one driving factor that got the northern government to come to the table. In the first round of peace talks it did not want to, but in the second round there were a number of reasons why it did.

Much of it was because of the divestment threats that were happening from Europe, the United States and Canada, which were trying to divest from companies that were taking part and the northern government realized it was going to be financially hurt if it did not participate.

A large part of the success of those peace talks, that resulted in peace between north and south Sudan and ended a war that had killed three million people and displaced five million, was due to divestment and because Canadians using the Internet, especially students, knew how to access that stuff and make a difference.

My wife and I were in villages when bombings took place, when the government of north Sudan sent in their MiG jets, big bombers or militia units. We need to remember that 70% of the money that comes from these oil revenues and other companies that are in Sudan goes toward munitions. We were at the receiving end of those.

I know none of us want it to be that way, but it was not about my wife and I. We had to watch people as they had to gather together for funerals and other things because the western world would not speak out at that particular time.

This is life and death. We are not talking about some fancy little thing that we are trying to do. We are talking about people dying in Darfur right now because many of us have failed to take action.

I heard it mentioned earlier that one particular party had a plan for what it was going to do in Darfur. We all have plans for what we want to do in Darfur, but it is not about that. It is not about my plan or someone else's plan. It is about the fact that this is the kind of thing that has to rise above all our plans. For the sake of the people of Darfur and, yes, of Iran, we have to take action.

I heard Stephen Lewis being quoted earlier. Let me remind people that I was at a conference with Stephen Lewis a couple of months ago and he said the very thing that is keeping us back from acting on Darfur and divestment is partisanship. I am trying to say that it does not matter what other people's plans are or what my plan is. What matters is: What is our plan? What is it that we stand for and believe in this country?

I do not want to take much more time, but everyone knows I have three kids from Darfur. I have talked about how they wake up at night from the bombings and everything else that happened. There are millions of kids still in Darfur who are going through this. It is time for all of us to act.

I commend my colleague for having the courage to stand up and demand that we begin to divest from a government that will do this to its own people. I commend the people across the way who have been willing to support this bill, and I plead with my Bloc colleagues, I really do. I know there might be some difficulties with it, but it is not about nuance. It is about human rights and acting.

I am thankful for the time that has been given to me and I especially want to commend my colleague for the courage he has shown in bringing this forward.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:20 p.m.

Conservative

Daniel Petit Conservative Charlesbourg—Haute-Saint-Charles, QC

Mr. Speaker, our government has carefully reviewed the motion tabled by the hon. member for York Centre.

This government shares the opposition's indignation over the human rights situations in Sudan and Iran, and we have repeatedly raised our concerns about those human rights violations in bilateral and multilateral fora. We are also deeply concerned about Iran's nuclear activities. For this reason, the government fully supports the motion.

We believe the time has come to exert more pressure on the governments of Sudan and Iran, including economic pressure, in order to urge both countries to comply with international human rights law and standards of international conduct amongst sovereign nations.

Our concerns about the governments of Sudan and Iran affect the way we conduct our bilateral relations with them, as well as our interactions with them in multilateral fora such as the United Nations General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and the G-8. In fact, in 1992, Canada banned arms sales to Sudan and has withheld trade support services since then.

Iran's continued support for militant groups threatens regional stability and raises the possibility of further conflict. Canada will continue to work with the international community and within multilateral and bilateral fora to address its concerns on Iran's role in the region.

For five straight years, Canada has worked with more than 40 co-sponsors and successfully led a resolution on the situation on human rights in Iran at the UN General Assembly. Canada demonstrates great leadership in this respect, as it leads one of the most difficult country-specific human rights resolutions at the General Assembly. The adoption of the Canadian-led resolution signals that the international community is deeply concerned about Iran's serious human rights situation and that concrete steps must be taken to address it.

With respect to Sudan, the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur, UNAMID, took over from the AU mission at the end of December 2007. To date, UNAMID only has 9,000 troops out of its mandated strength of 26,000, and it lacks essential logistics and equipment.

Since the adoption of resolution 1769 before the Security Council, calling for the deployment of UNAMID to Darfur, the Government of Sudan has systematically imposed a series of administrative obstacles to delay or obstruct this.

We urge the Government of Sudan to cease the obstructions and to cooperate with UNAMID deployment. We also urge rebel groups to cease their attempts to limit UNAMID freedom of movement.

Canada strongly condemned the attack on a UNAMID supply convoy by elements of the Sudanese armed forced in West Darfur in early January and called on Sudan to ensure that there would be no recurrence of such incidents in the future.

Turning to Iran, since 1996, Canadian relations with Iran have been governed by the tightened controlled engagement policy, which limits official bilateral dialogue to the following four topics: the case of murdered Canadian-Iranian Zahra Kazemi, Iran's human rights performance, Iran's nuclear program and Iran's role in the region. This policy reflects Canada's ongoing concerns about the Iranian government's opposition to the Middle East peace process, its support of terrorism, its pursuit of weapons of mass destruction and its atrocious human rights policies.

Furthermore, this policy has shown great foresight in that it already bars cooperation between any Canadian government agency and its Iranian counterpart. For example, Canada does not facilitate trade and investment between Canadian private firms and any Iranian state entities.

As my colleagues may know, in March 2005, the UN Security Council referred the situation in Darfur to the International Criminal Court. On April 27, 2007, the court issued two arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity for Minister of State for Humanitarian Affairs Ahmad Haroun and militia leader Ali Kushayb.

Canada has called repeatedly on the Government of Sudan to cooperate with the court and to arrest and surrender these two Sudanese individuals.

The recent events in Chad and allegations that Sudan was supporting the rebel offensive also raises great concerns with respect to regional stability and the safety of civilian populations, as do earlier reports that Chad had bombed Sudanese territory.

Humanitarian access in Darfur has been increasingly difficult due to regulatory and systematic obstruction by the Sudanese government. Humanitarian workers are being attacked by rebels and bandits.

Nearly 2.2 million people have been displaced as a result of the Darfur conflict, with most of them attempting to find refuge in violent, overcrowded camps. Ensuring full and safe humanitarian access is essential to allow populations to receive protection and assistance. Humanitarian workers must be permitted to carry out their work without hindrance.

Canada is active in supporting peace in Sudan and Canadian diplomacy is at the forefront of international efforts. Canada has been among the largest supporters to the African Union Mission in Sudan, AMIS, and is continuing to support UNAMID. And Canada has committed approximately $268 million to peace, humanitarian needs and early recovery since 2006. But we believe the time has come to take additional steps to convey our concern and place pressure on the Government of Sudan.

I will conclude by saying that this government is eager to work with the opposition to develop practical and viable ways to place further pressure upon the governments of Sudan and Iran.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:25 p.m.

Conservative

Dean Allison Conservative Niagara West—Glanbrook, ON

Mr. Speaker, as my colleague previously indicated, the Government of Canada remains deeply concerned about the human rights and the humanitarian situation in Sudan and has responded to those human rights violations both in word and in deed.

The government is supportive of the motion under debate. We believe that the time has come to place further pressure upon the government of Sudan, including economic pressure, to meet international standards of conduct.

We should remind the House that, since 1992, Canada has withheld trade and commercial support and trade development programs to Canadian businesses wishing to do business or invest in Sudan.

The UN Security Council, through various resolutions, has imposed an arms embargo against Sudan, as well as an asset freeze and travel ban against four Sudanese individuals, which Canada has also implemented.

Canada's support to peace in Sudan, as part of a coordinated international effort, has totalled over $268 million since 2006. Moreover, this government continues to make numerous representations on human rights and humanitarian issues to the Sudanese government and other parties to the conflict.

It should be noted that Canada's diplomacy is active in promoting calls for action on Sudan, including for Darfur. Canadian diplomats and senior officials constantly raise their concerns with respect to the situation in Sudan through our bilateral relations and in multilateral fora, such as the UN General Assembly and the Human Rights Council.

In October and November 2007, Canada attended the new round of Darfur peace talks as an observer state and, together with other countries, continues to support the efforts of the UN and the AU to reach a resolution to the ongoing conflict in Darfur.

Canada is actively involved in soliciting the participation of all rebel groups in the AU-UN led mediation process and keeps urging all of the parties in the Darfur conflict, including the government of Sudan, to negotiate in the spirit of compromise in order to achieve lasting peace for Darfur and for all of Sudan.

In that regard, we were dismayed by the refusal of some rebel movements to participate in the peace process and urge them to do so without delay.

It should also be noted that Canada continues to play a lead role in the efforts employed by the United Nations Human Rights Council on the situation in Sudan. The current situation is unacceptable and Canada wants to ensure that Sudan's human rights record remains under close international scrutiny.

This is also one of the reasons why Canada continues to call on all parties to the conflict in Sudan to respect their obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law to protect affected civilian populations.

As the House may know, in March 2005, the UN Security Council referred the situation in Darfur to the International Criminal Court. The court was established as a permanent tribunal to prosecute individuals for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Canada provided a voluntary contribution of $500,000 to assist the ICC in its investigations in Darfur.

In addition, we take every occasion to call on the government of Sudan to cooperate with the ICC and to arrest and surrender the two Sudanese individuals indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity, the Sudanese minister of state for humanitarian affairs and a militia leader.

Canada has always been one of the world's most committed peacekeeping nations. Canada is proud to continue to provide high value support to a great number of multilateral peacekeeping initiatives through capacity building, training, planning and logistics, as well as strategic contributions of personnel.

In Sudan, Canada has made an exceptional contribution as one of the principle donors to the African Union Mission in Sudan, AMIS, to seek to mitigate the violence and attacks against civilians and to provide a more secure environment where humanitarian actors could operate. Canada has committed a total of up to $116 million to AMIS since 2006.

Canada's contribution included providing critical air support to AMIS through the leasing of helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft, a contribution that has continued during the ongoing transition from AMIS to UNAMID.

As part of our contributions, the Canadian Forces have up to 50 personnel currently supporting the peacekeeping missions in Sudan in an effort to bring security and stability to the country. In addition, Canada loaned 105 armoured personnel vehicles to AMIS troop contributing countries and these vehicles will continue to be used by UNAMID.

Canada also participates in UNMIS, another UN active mission in Sudan since 2005, with a mandate to support implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement which ended the long civil war in southern Sudan.

On the humanitarian and early recovery front, the Canadian International Development Agency has provided over $152 million in assistance to Sudan, including $98 million for humanitarian assistance through Sudan and for Sudanese refugees in neighbouring countries, and $54 million in early recovery initiatives since January 2006.

Approximately half of the humanitarian assistance funds have helped the population of Darfur. CIDA, through the UN and NGO partners in Darfur, has recently helped to establish 12 new boreholes for the provision of water, has conducted hygiene promotion programs for over 78,000 internally displaced persons and has created child friendly spaces in IDP camps and enhanced safety measures in schools for the improved protection of 21,000 Sudanese children and community members.

Canada's involvement in various peacekeeping activities throughout Sudan is very significant. Between April 2006 and March 2008, Canada will have committed approximately $20 million to support the AU-UN peace process in Darfur, as well as to strengthen judicial institutions and to conduct community security, mine action and small arms control initiatives in south Sudan.

In addition to these activities, Canada is currently funding a communications and outreach initiative in Darfur to help ensure that the people of Darfur are aware, understand and play a role in the developments related to the ongoing peace process.

Given that Canada and the international community have dedicated considerable effort and resources to establish long-lasting peace in Sudan and that this goal has not yet been achieved, the government shares the opposition's desire to implement measures to influence a more receptive approach on the part of the government of Sudan. We also agree that we need to ensure the safe and unhindered humanitarian access to the affected populations.

The government welcomes the motion tabled by the hon. member for York Centre and is prepared to work with the opposition to find practical means of implementing the motion in order to place further pressure on Sudan until we see definite progress on our concerns.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:35 p.m.

Conservative

Peter Goldring Conservative Edmonton East, AB

Mr. Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity today to discuss Motion No. 410 as it relates to Iran. We are all disturbed by Iran's erratic behaviour and the risk it poses to both the international community and its own people. We share the view of the hon. member opposite that it is now time for clear action. This is why we are pleased to fully support the member's motion.

I unequivocally agree that there is a need to maintain pressure on Iran to change its egregious behaviour. Indeed, our government is already actively engaged in efforts to encourage Iran to break away from its current radical policies and begin to behave like a responsible member of the international community.

This is reflected in our approach to bilateral relations with Iran, which is governed by a tightened policy of controlled engagement. The policy limits official bilateral dialogue to the following four topics: the case of murdered Canadian Iranian Zahra Kazemi; Iran's human rights performance; Iran's nuclear program; and Iran's role in the region.

Within the limitations of the controlled engagement policy, Canada also prohibits the opening of Iranian consulates, cultural centres and Iranian banks in Canada. Furthermore, it proscribes the establishment of direct air links and high level visits.

Canada also works within a multilateral system and with our international partners to sustain pressure on Iran. Canada has fully implemented the binding economic measures called for under United Nations Security Council resolutions 1737 and 1747.

On March 3, 2008, the United Nations Security Council issued resolution 1803 in response to Iran's failure to comply with its international obligations under previous UN resolutions 1696, 1737 and 1747. This resolution will place further pressure on Iran to suspend all sensitive nuclear activities, including uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing activities. As with previous UNSC resolutions 1737 and 1747, Canada will ensure its full compliance with the decisions of the Security Council through Canadian domestic law.

The imposition of these UN sanctions sends a strong political signal to Iran that it must change its behaviour with respect to uranium enrichment activities, or continue to face harsh multilateral sanctions from the international community.

Canada has significantly restricted its interactions with Iran through its domestic law under the regulations implementing the United Nations resolutions on Iran. The regulations impose an embargo on export to Iran of certain goods and technologies that could contribute to Iran's uranium enrichment related activities or to the development of nuclear weapons. The regulations also impose an assets freeze against designated persons and entities engaged in Iran's nuclear activities. In addition, the regulations impose a prohibition on the provision of technical or financial assistance related to the goods and technology subject to the export ban.

In addition to existing regulations, resolution 1803 includes: a travel ban for targeted Iranian officials; a freeze of assets of newly designated Iranian companies and officials; and additional restrictions on the sale of identified dual use items to Iran. As well, the resolution calls for governments to withdraw financial support for trade with Iran, to dissuade domestic financial institutions from entering into transactions that could support Iran's nuclear activities, and to inspect cargo going into and out of Iran via identified carriers.

The commitment of Canada and other like-minded states to the UN sanctions against Iran sends a strong and clear signal to Iran that it must halt its uranium enrichment activities.

The Government of Canada has also supported and responded to the warning of the Financial Action Task Force on the risks posed to the international financial system by deficiencies in Iran's anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing regime. The Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions recently issued an advisory drawing attention to the FATF recommendation for heightened attention to transactions relating to Iran as a result of these concerns. This advisory is consistent with the due diligence obligations of Canadian financial institutions under the Iran regulations.

The business community is well aware that doing business with Iran is a risky proposition. This is clearly reflected in our trade statistics which have shown a steady decline in trade with Iran since 2001. It is no coincidence that at a time when Iran's neighbours are enjoying an unprecedented economic boom resulting from high oil prices, Iran, which benefits from enormous oil and gas reserves, is suffering an economic meltdown.

The collective efforts of the international community and the chill they have put on the prospect of doing business with Iran had an impact. There is little prospect that this will change so long as Iran continues to act in a way which contravenes accepted international norms.

Iran's continued support for the militant groups in the region is a case in point. The threat posed to international peace and security and regional stability by groups supported by Iran is undeniable. Iran's support for Hezbollah, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic jihad, coupled with its backing of violent insurgents in Iraq, has helped destabilize a region of strategic global importance. Canada must continue to collaborate with the international community and with its multilateral partners to address its concerns regarding Iran's spoiler role in the region.

Canada stands ready to respond to positive developments in Iran. We welcome the interest and advice of the hon. member for York Centre and we welcome this motion today.

Let me conclude by reiterating what my colleague has already said, that this government will continue to work on strategic, focused and ultimately effective actions to respond to the situation in Iran.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

It being 6:45 p.m., the time provided for debate has expired. Accordingly, the question is on the motion. Is it the pleasure of the House to adopt the motion?

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:40 p.m.

Some hon. members

Agreed.

No.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Royal Galipeau

All those in favour of the motion will please say yea.

Foreign AffairsPrivate Members' Business

6:40 p.m.

Some hon. members

Yea.