Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was believe.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Canadian Alliance MP for Nanaimo—Cowichan (B.C.)

Lost his last election, in 2008, with 38% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Health Care November 7th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, in an appearance before the finance committee a very credible witness said: “Continuing cuts to health care across the country have been dramatic and Canadians are paying the price. The medicare patchwork is becoming threadbare”. Canadians queuing up for operations and laid off nurses agree with her.

If the government will not listen to waiting patients, if it will not listen to laid-off nurses, if it will not listen to the Reform Party, will it at least listen to one of its own, the wife of a deputy prime minister, and move quickly to restore much needed health transfer payments?

Criminal Code October 31st, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I have a question for the hon. member.

As I have talked with Canadians over the past little while, it seems to me they have some sense there are three untouchables in our society over which they have very little control. Perhaps one would be the media. The second would be the banking system. The third would be the judiciary.

Does the hon. member have any thoughts on how we might be able to bring some kind of real reform to the judiciary that would make it more accountable to the people in general and somehow accountable to enforcing the law as passed in this Chamber?

The particular case that prompted this legislation is a case in point. It seems that somehow the judiciary has taken precedence over the laws of the land and Canadians do not have faith in it any more. We need to reverse that. Does the hon. member have any suggestions on how we might change that?

Supply October 30th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I thank the hon. member for his question.

There is no doubt in my mind that we have to get behind our police forces. I talked to RCMP officers in my riding. There are disheartened not only by the problems we have with the enforcement of drunk driving laws but by the manpower problem. There is a problem with the justice system and judges letting people off after the police have worked hard to try to bring people to justice.

It is a very serious problem. I would wholeheartedly support the hon. member's statements. We have to support our police.

Supply October 30th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I thank the hon. member for his question and comments. In a great sense he has answered his own question. I agree with him wholeheartedly that we have a system of justice. The laws are in place. The judges are there but unfortunately they very often do not enforce the law.

Canadians have to scream for this to happen. It will take public opinion and pressure by parliamentarians and others to make it to happen.

The laws are there. They are not being enforced. We cannot have these slaps on the wrist any more. It sends a signal to every young person that it is okay to drink and drive. It is not acceptable.

Supply October 30th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to rise to speak in support of the motion before the House. In my opinion the motion is long overdue. Canadians have been looking for this for a long time. It certainly deserves the support of members on both sides of the House.

My good friend from Prince George—Bulkley Valley brought this motion to the floor of the House in the spring of this year when the election came along and intervened. I respectfully ask that we as members of the House of Commons dispense with all our partisan beliefs in this regard and pass the motion.

The subject before us transcends all the political differences we might have and should unite us in a common cause. The motion is not reflective of any particular political party or party ideology. It is an effort that seeks only to protect Canadians. Nothing more and certainly nothing less is being asked for.

We have all heard the horror stories associated with drinking and driving. Some members have already shared their stories with us. The yearly carnage which is altogether senseless and tragic must come to an end.

I happened to make a decision a number of years ago to abstain from alcohol. Part of my reasoning was that I did not want to be responsible for passing along something to my children which perhaps I could handle but which they could not. I certainly did not want to get into the situation where I was responsible for taking the life of another person while drinking and driving.

Abstinence is still the best preventive. However we have freedom of choice in the use of this legalized drug. People will continue to choose to drink. Unfortunately some will choose to drink and drive.

I do not delude myself into believing that the passage of the motion will stop people from dying in these kinds of accidents. However it will go a long way toward giving the family and friends of victims some semblance of closure and the notion that justice was served.

The greatest value of this initiative may be in its deterrent value to new drivers. Indeed they are the ones who need to be educated at an early age on the perils of driving while impaired. Those who unfortunately are repeat offenders would only likely be stopped by some kind of punitive sanction such as a stiffer sentence.

Organizations such as Mothers Against Drunk Driving and Ontario Students Against Impaired Driving tell us that the status quo in sentencing can no longer be tolerated.

There have been far too many tragedies. We have buried too many loved ones. As the father of eight children, every time they go out in a vehicle at night I pray to God they will come home safely. It is not because I am worried they will be drinking and driving. It is the other person who is out there that I am worried about.

In 1967 my wife's sister, at 21 years of age and newly married, was driving down a road in Victoria, British Columbia, with her husband. A drunk driver went through a stop sign and broad sided their car. She was thrown out on to the pavement, hit her head and had severe brain damage. She went into a coma for three months. She lost the use of one of her legs and one of her arms. Miraculously she has regained a large measure of the use of those limbs, but today she still lives with the consequences of that accident. Her marriage dissolved. She limps. She has constant pain. That driver got off with a $500 fine and a slap on the wrist in 1967. That is not acceptable, not at all.

It has been said before by the survivors of these kinds of accidents, and it deserves to be said again, that victims should not be paying the penalty for impaired driving.

Here is some information that shows how much of a problem driving while impaired has become. In 1992 an Ottawa Sun editorial pointed out that over 13,000 people that year were killed or injured because someone drove while impaired.

In 1994, 1,414 were killed as a result of impaired driving. This is roughly three times the number of people murdered in Canada every year, but one could argue that this is essentially the same thing. Does it matter whether one holds a gun to the head of someone and shoots it or whether one is out there driving a car while drinking?

I ask my colleagues to think about that number, 1,414. If this Chamber were made four times larger it would not hold all those people. In 1993, 565 of the 1,315 people who died on Ontario roads were involved in alcohol related accidents.

I also want to share some additional information with colleagues as it relates to the cost of drinking while driving, while intoxicated. By cost I refer to the price in lives and suffering as well as monetary. Some 4.5 Canadians are being killed by impaired drivers each day. That is one every six hours according to studies by the Traffic Injury Research Foundation of Canada. It also found that impaired drivers caused over half of Canada's 3,300 road fatalities in 1995. This means the chances of being killed by an impaired driver are three times greater in Canada than being killed as a result of homicide.

Fatalities are not the only sad statistic. In 1993 a Transport Canada study revealed that over 300 Canadians each day are being injured as a result of an alcohol related crash. In addition, these injuries and fatalities effect not only the victims but society as a whole.

In 1989 Transport Canada found that the minimum losses to society total $390,000 per fatal crash. That figure represents the loss in terms of income, property damage and related cost to health care.

We must bring justice to the families of victims and stiffen the sentencing of offenders. Members in the Chamber need not take my word that Canadians find the situation intolerable. In the recently released paper prepared by MADD and alluded to by my colleague, we have all the reasons Canadians believe the penalties should be stiffer. Canadians have spoken and we as parliamentarians who represent them need to act.

I close on that note. Again I urge members to put aside partisan politics and vote in support of the motion for the good of the country.

Mackenzie Valley Resource Management Act October 29th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague very much for both his observations and his question.

It has been my experience in my own lifetime of observation and working with our native peoples that indeed over a large period of time now, government mismanagement in this whole area has led to the terrible conditions that exist on many reservations across Canada. We in the Reform Party have had a number of concerns in this area for a long time.

What concerns us about a bill like this in regard to our aboriginal peoples is that far too often the negotiations go on with the band chiefs and the band councils and if I might use the term, a band elite. They have very little reference to the ordinary aboriginal person who makes up the majority of the band population.

When speaking to aboriginal peoples, their concerns differ very little from yours and mine. They want a good job. They want to be a useful productive person in society. They want to live a good and peaceful life.

Unfortunately the kind of mismanagement of aboriginal affairs by consecutive Liberal and Conservative governments has just driven our native peoples into a land of despair and one that is without hope. It grieves me tremendously to see what is happening with our aboriginal peoples today.

Somehow we have to fix this problem. We have to work with our native brothers and sisters to do something about it. From my perspective it really does start at the grassroots level, our making constructive contacts with native peoples to work at this whole concern.

Mackenzie Valley Resource Management Act October 29th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the hon. member very much for his comments and question. I am sure that the hon. member would agree that in our parliamentary democratic system it is the responsibility of a good opposition to take a very constructive look at government legislation. We would be remiss if we did not say here is an area where we feel there needs to be some changes.

As I have already pointed out, there are some very good things in this bill. At the same time we know there are some concerns. I would hope that the government would take a good look at the concerns that have been raised by the chamber of mines and others. After all, if we run into problems in this thing later on and it is seen that this kind of bill actually does impede the development of mining in the north, then all the people are going to suffer, natives and non-natives alike. It will mean fewer jobs and less money going into our northern areas. No one would want that.

We in the Reform Party are saying we should take a little closer look at this bill. Let us see some areas where there are flaws. Hopefully in committee work we will be able to iron some of these out.

Mackenzie Valley Resource Management Act October 29th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, it is with pride and pleasure that I rise in the House today to give my first speech in the Chamber.

By way of my opening remarks, I thank the voters of Nanaimo—Cowichan for allowing me the privilege to serve as their member of Parliament. It is an honour for me to be able to represent the views of my constituents in Parliament, and I will do so to the very best of my ability.

In debating Bill C-6, which is before the House today, I feel it is necessary to discuss the background of the legislation. In this regard, Bill C-6, the Mackenzie Valley Land and Water Management Act, is the reincarnation of Bill C-80 which was tabled in the last parliament.

As with Bill C-80, the bill provides for the establishment of management boards to co-ordinate environmental assessment as well as land and water regulations in the Mackenzie Valley of the Northwest Territories. In this respect it fulfils the requirements under a land claims agreement reached in the 34th Parliament calling for such co-ordination.

Bill C-6 requires that 50% of the new board members be nominated by first nations, with the other 50% by the governments of the Northwest Territories and Canada. The intent is to give aboriginal people and other northerners a stronger role in resource management decisions. This is a very commendable goal.

As a Reformer I have no problem with giving our aboriginal peoples more control over their destinies. When we in Reform talk about equality for our aboriginal peoples, it is to put them on the same footing with their fellow Canadians.

I must say, however, that in this regard I do get rather tired of pious criticism of Reform Party policy on aboriginal affairs. It comes mostly from a Liberal government which in the main has not put its money where its mouth is.

For many years now a number of us in this party have taken a grassroots interest in our native peoples. From a personal perspective it has been an experience that I have shared with my wife over the past 18 years. During this time, and even now, we have cared as foster parents for many aboriginal children with medical problems. Three of our eight children are aboriginal. We love them as much as we do our first family of birth children.

What really gets me is that we have had to care for these little ones as a direct result of the Liberal and Conservative mismanagement of a system which has effectively abused our native population for decades.

I remind members of the House that when they start to attack Reform Party policy in this area they ought to be prepared to walk in my shoes and in the shoes of others who have actively helped and supported our native peoples.

When I criticize the bill before us, when I indicate that I will not vote for it in its present form, when I state that changes must be made, when I do all this, it is not because Reform is insensitive to the needs of aboriginal people as my Liberal friends believe. To do so would be insulting.

I urge hon. members across the way not to attack my position because they somehow construe it to be anti-native. It is not that at all. It is because the bill is flawed.

Aside from aboriginal concerns, the issue we are addressing also seems to be one of environmental and economic concern. The media communications office of the minister of aboriginal affairs seems to want this to be the focus when it claims that industry will benefit from improved efficiency and cost effectiveness of a regime which purports to build a single environmental impact assessment process and to streamline the process of obtaining water licences and land use permits.

Reform recognizes the validity of the goals in the legislation, in particular the need to resolve commitments made by Canada under land claims agreements. In this regard agreements on land, water management and protection of the environment in the Mackenzie Valley are issues of importance to residents of the region and Canadians in general.

Reform's objections to Bill C-6 centre on the creation of yet another level of bureaucracy and the resulting duplication of services. In addition there are specific industry concerns which need to be addressed, as the Northwest Chamber of Mines notes, “before the confusion, delays and cost of this new system grind mineral exploration to a painful halt”.

The chamber of mines points to the recent decision by Inco to defer development at Voisey's Bay because of the onerous and poorly defined regulatory demands, and this in a system that is ostensibly far better defined and more unified than that which is being proposed for the Mackenzie Valley.

Reform is further opposed to Bill C-6 as it erodes the standards of resource management regulation for the perception of stronger northern influence. But it does so at a price. The new system would repeat the difficulties present within the existing system and would compound them with additional burdens.

Let me illustrate. First, it will create yet another layer of interjurisdictional confusion. Second, there will be even less clarity in the rules and standards. Third, all this will result in an inevitable increase in the costs of compliance.

The Northwest Territory Chamber of Mines speaks for business and individuals active in the area. It outlined its concerns following an information session held by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development officials in Yellowknife on September 25, 1997.

The chamber stressed a number of points. There would be new obstacles for resource development including the potential for interference with staking of mineral claims, the change in the role of leases and land use permits, new powers to boards to suspend permits and leases, poorly defined terms for new rights to compensation, and a confused enforcement policy.

They also felt the lack of clarity would instigate litigation. In this regard attendees at the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development information session in September raised many questions and far too many were answered with uncertainty.

Far too often they were given the worrying response that such matters would have to be settled in court. If legal recourse is now recognized as the only way to settle matters the chamber says regularly arise in the north, surely this is the time to amend the legislation before it ever gets that far.

Critics also point to the vulnerability to deliberate, delaying tactics inherent in the legislation. There is the fear that deficiencies in the act will encourage parties to use delay as a tactic to impede environmental review. It is believed that this would be done in order to rest concessions that are largely unrelated to the protection of the environment or to the specifics of the proposal.

While Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development officials dismiss this concern as improbable, the chamber pointed to the region's recent experience with federal environmental reviews. It referred to them as growing pains encountered in Nunavut and to current difficulties in Fort Providence as evidence. On these matters the chamber said:

It is our extensive experience with operating in this region that leads us to put such a high priority on clarity, fairness and consistency in the rules and their application.

The Northwest Territory Chamber of Mines also had reservations about public representation on public boards. In this respect it feels there is also a lack of clarity in the process for selecting members to serve on various panels and boards.

Bill C-6 introduces three new board levels, but it does not spell out what criteria will be used in determining who is a proper representative of the public interest. A process that is not open and clear can surely lead to a perception of mistrust and bias.

Some conclusions reached in regard to Bill C-80 will ostensibly apply to Bill C-6 as well. In particular, conversations with other industry representatives consulted by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development during the development of Bill C-80 confirmed their belief that a single review process which avoids duplication of time and effort is the single most important issue. The bill does not address this concern.

In addition, the Canadian Energy Pipeline Association and the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers have not made comment since the fall of 1996. At that time they too stressed the need for an agreement with the goal of efficiency.

In view of all of this, amendments at committee stage may well save the day for the bill.

The chamber of mines represents about 600 companies and individuals currently engaged in mineral exploration, mine development and mine operation in the Northwest Territories. The chamber of mines has called for substantial amendments in two areas which we in the Reform Party can support.

First, the lack of clarity in the law and in the rules is likely to produce very uneven regulations. It will do so across the region from one applicant to the next, resulting in a highly litigious process.

Second, the new system is seriously under-resourced, especially in its technical capacity. This will likely prove to be a disadvantage in dealing with the large workload created by transitional arrangements. It will also affect changes to leasing.

In conclusion, unless there are changes which address the shortcomings of this legislation, I serve notice of my intent now to vote against this bill. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the House to do the same. As I said earlier, voting against this bill does not somehow mean you are insensitive to the needs of aboriginal people. It does however mean that you recognize that the bill is flawed and that there are changes which are necessary.

Speech From The Throne October 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the hon. member for her comments. I understand the emotional aspect of her speech, particularly at the end. I think all of us in Canada can identify with these kinds of circumstances and we realize they are something we all have in common. However, I would like to ask the hon. member a question.

In her speech, which was very fine, she said the best country in the world in which to live and then went on to talk about Canada. I would certainly agree with her.

However, why does the member and her party, in light of that kind of statement which I believe we both find to be true, continue to attempt to break up the best country in the world? The words of the old proverb are true, united we stand, divided we fall.

Health October 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, over 25 percent of the population use or rely on natural health care products. These people have galvanized support for the right of Canadians to freely choose these products, and they want an answer.

Will the government change its current policy to permit the unrestricted use and access to safe alternative health products instead of making criminals of ordinary Canadians?