Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament November 2005, as Bloc MP for Lévis—Bellechasse (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 29% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Spirit Drinks Trade Act November 3rd, 2005

Madam Speaker, I thank my dear colleague for his question.

I will talk about measures that should be used for products that could still be in storage and that may have been made before the bill is passed.

We will certainly need to agree on a measure in order to determine the best scenario for disposing of the products in question, if necessary, until they are completely gone from the shelves.

In any event, it is important to take the necessary measures for the future. In my opinion, the real purpose here is to ensure that beyond the recognition and quality of the products, the agreements we sign are fully respected.

Spirit Drinks Trade Act November 3rd, 2005

Madam Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague for his question.

Obviously, it would be hard to disagree with the principle. If we could advertise in every renowned location, we would. For instance, if our wine selection included wines from the three leading wine-producing provinces in Canada, that would be a plus. I can hardly imagine that it could be wrong; in fact, it would be desirable. We could make sure that every effort is made to promote our Canadian wines and spirits.

Spirit Drinks Trade Act November 3rd, 2005

Madam Speaker, I thank the hon. member for her question. Quite simply, what I want is an indication of the ingredients required to produce spirit drinks, such as corn and rye. The percentage of these grains that make up constituent parts of a Canadian whisky, for example, would have to be specified, to ensure the rules were understood.

Even if there were a geographical identification, this would not necessarily validate the product as far as the intrinsic value of the component parts was concerned.

Spirit Drinks Trade Act November 3rd, 2005

Madam Speaker, I want to thank the hon. member opposite for his question. I have to admit that his premises are a true reflection of the reality.

As we can see, when it comes to international trade, particularly when the United States is involved, if the rules are not completely defined, there is a risk of being disappointed. This is why we are saying that, in this bill, it might be appropriate to go beyond the product's geographical recognition. We should know all about the product, including its components, if only to eventually further control the quality of our products, and set even more specific benchmarks for international trade.

Spirit Drinks Trade Act November 3rd, 2005

Madam Speaker, I welcome this opportunity to speak on Bill S-38, an act respecting the implementation of international trade commitments by Canada regarding spirit drinks of foreign countries.

To ensure the flow of their respective products, countries have to enter into marketing arrangements. Several existing international agreements are designed to facilitate international trade. For example, the free trade agreements and the WTO imply that, like its partners, Canada has to meet its commitments and that, in return, its enjoys the privileges associated with its participation in the specific agreement.

One of these commitments is a commitment to promote the trading of wines and spirits among all the signatories, including the Caribbean and the European Community. These agreements do not affect in any way the need to protect individual terroirs. At the same time, they provide guidance to help consumers make knowledgeable decisions about certain types of products based on the relevant information made available to them about their origin and composition.

The Bloc Québécois acknowledges that Bill S-38 is consistent with Quebec’s policy on the labelling and recognition of local products. It should be remembered that, in Quebec, transparency and consumer choice are integral elements of product marketing. Where the problem arises with this bill under consideration today, as with the others that preceded it, is that the Canadian government is tempted to sign these international agreements without first consulting Parliament. In acting this way, it is depriving itself of a key element, namely the opinion of the duly elected representatives of the people, the hon. members, who are here to facilitate and not to impede. It is depriving itself, and in so doing, the entire population of the most important democratic instrument at its disposal.

To illustrate, it would be appropriate to briefly review the legal scope of certain agreements reached between Canada and its partners.

According to the provisions of section 2, chapter 3 and chapter 8 of NAFTA, which concern trade of wines and distilled spirits, there are specific measures which determine listing, pricing and distribution practices, blending requirements, and labelling standards and requirements affecting various products. This is an approach which aims for equal treatment in the marketing of Canadian and American wines and spirits.

Under this agreement, the signatory countries are committed to respecting the protection of certain names, such as tequila, bourbon whiskey or Tennessee whiskey. With the introduction of such guidelines, consumers are in no danger of being disappointed with the product they buy, as its originality and quality are guaranteed when consumers make their choice.

The name “Caribbean rum”, for example, derives precisely from the protection of that product under an agreement signed between Canada and the Caribbean countries in 1985. The reputation of this product stems precisely from the fact that consumers immediately know the taste they can expect and have no doubt as to what exactly the product is.

The impact of the 1985 agreement is felt in all the other southern countries. In the protection of their products’ names they see a kind of aid to economic development.

The recognition of the distinctiveness of these products gives them the opportunity to distinguish themselves on foreign markets. This is a fine example of the positive effects of a unique and controlled trade name.

Similarly, the most recent of the accords between Canada and the European Community on trade in wines and spirits was designed to boost sales of their products while protecting certain trade names. This would apply to ouzo from Greece, Irish whisky, cognac brandy and armagnac brandy from France, Canadian rye whisky and Spanish pacharan.

In addition to this association between region and name, the agreement in question facilitates access to Europe for Canadian exports on the one hand, and on the other, internally, the use by wine producers of points of sale for exclusively Canadian products. Incidentally, the requirement for all wines sold in Quebec grocery stores to be bottled in Quebec is also protected by this agreement.

Although the Bloc Québécois considers Bill S-38 an improvement and a step toward better policies on the labelling and recognition of local products, it also feels that the government’s initiative does not go far enough. Allow me to explain.

Not only is the geographic designation essential, product ingredients must be clearly and specifically identified for at least two reasons. First, consumers are entitled to know what they are consuming. Second, international consumers need a clear reference with regard to the quality of the product on the market. This is ultimately what creates a brand image, is it not?

For example, drinkers of bourbon whiskey know that it contains at least 51% corn and that it is made exclusively in the United States. What about Canadian whisky?

Rye whisky must contain at least 51% rye. However, Canada does not specify the percentage of rye in its product. Are we not—particularly foreign consumers—entitled to ask if this is indeed whisky being marketed?

Accordingly, we can say that an exclusive designation should necessarily specify the exact quantities of the ingredients in the product. Do these ingredients not attest to the product's quality and true nature? Rye whisky is then a Canadian whisky, but this label is merely a geographic reference. Without an indication of the percentage of rye in rye whisky, no assumptions about its quality can be made, and this is a disadvantage in terms of competition, particularly on the international market where it is supposedly less well known.

Apart from the lack of specific guidelines on quality standards for our wines and spirits, the Canadian government is failing to be transparent in the House by negotiating all kinds of international agreements or commitments without considering the informed opinions of the members. Is this not a tool that it could use to its advantage?

Would it not be normal for international agreements concluded in good faith among countries to be submitted to Parliament before being signed?

Without opposing the principle of the bill, the Bloc Québécois considers this failure to consult a serious breach of democratic principles and values.

Bill S-38 is one more step toward the recognition of the various local products by suggesting among other things a better labelling policy associating the name of the region where the product is produced.

Consumers are entitled to know what they are buying. They therefore need the tools to be able to do so, and to really assess the quality and composition of their wines and spirits. This is along the same lines as Quebec's demands year after year relating to GMOs, trans fats and dairy products, among others.

As far as genetically modified organisms are concerned, several studies have shown that Quebeckers and Canadians want GMOs clearly identified. On the other hand, the food processing industry refers to the threat of job losses if it is forced to spend more, as it claims it will be, on labelling.

Let us face it; food processors are not always guided by a concern for transparency. Think of all the recent studies on the harmful effects of trans fats on health. Yet we are still not in a position to know the trans fat content of the food we eat.

How can this be acceptable, when we know that the government has a mandate to protect the population? If some current legislation has shortcomings, does the government not have a duty to improve it, as it could have readily done with Bill S-38, An Act respecting the implementation of international trade commitments by Canada regarding spirit drinks of foreign countries. The Food and Drugs Act sets out labelling and advertising standards, but at the present time there is nothing to require processors and retailers to disclose the trans fat content in their products.

If, in the short and medium term, food companies both large and small are going to be required to identify products high in trans fats, we do not see how companies specializing in wines and spirits could not be subjected to an identical process starting immediately.

The same approach could easily, and advantageously, be applied in the near future to identifying all dairy-based products.

WIth the GMOs, trans fats and dairy products, we see a new trend developing: better consumer information on the composition of food products. This trend is also valid for wines, which are becoming more of a presence at our tables and social gatherings, and for spirits.

We have to recognize that people have become more concerned about what they eat, hence the interest and the need for greater clarity in product definitions.

The Food and Drugs Act could be used in argument against what I have said. It prohibits the false and misleading labelling, advertising and sale of food in terms of its qualities, composition, value, benefits and wholesomeness. That would lead us to think that, as Aldous Huxley the British naturalist put it, it is all for the best in the best of worlds.

But, careful. Only the guide to food and drug labelling and advertising can help us separate the true from the false.

Unfortunately, however, it is not enforceable, and so we are left in the dark, not really any further ahead. Is it a falsehood to omit the amount of rye in Canadian whisky? It could be considered misleading at least. We can certainly be criticized for it by any inhabitant of the vast world beyond our borders without it being a personal judgment on the value of the product.

A good example of the sea of contradictions we are navigating at the moment can be found in Canada's not integrating nationally the rules it has supported internationally on the terminology in the Codex Alimentarius with respect to dairy products.

As national and international communities are demanding greater precision in product labelling, especially in the case of food, why not head in that direction post haste? No time must be wasted getting there, regardless of what the processors may think.

Would it not be smarter and more economical under the circumstances to proceed with legislation covering the whole field of responsible labelling, while looking for ways to make the life of the processors easier without putting them at risk?

Canada is lagging behind Europe in terms of labelling provisions. And yet, this is one of the biggest markets, especially when it comes to wines and spirits. Has it thought about the potential economic losses that could result from the lack of clarity and precision in its bill?

Canada wants to ratify the agreement, but it is not ready to get in step with the other nations it is dealing with. It keeps claiming to be a leader on the international stage.

Canada does ratify treaties. That said, it does nothing more than join the chorus and sing from the same songbook as the other nations, and in this case it seems to be singing off key.

The European Community made the effort to hold a meeting to define pizza and determine its ingredients in 2003 because the composition of food is important, as we know. Furthermore, a precise definition informs us on the nature and quality of a food item. This precision prevents misunderstandings about nutritional value and also prevents any fraud related to the actual products.

Where is the government singing off key, one might ask? It is off key in its laxity in not requiring content to be labelled.

In such an open global market, we cannot leave any doubt about the composition of our products, especially those sold abroad. On one hand, this helps inform the client on what we are selling, whether it is real whisky or real maple syrup. On the other hand, this helps reinforce the brand power of the product and to set it apart from other products on the shelves and enhance its reputation.

What is more, given Canada's visibility and recognition internationally, we must lead by example, especially in developing countries that are trying, and rightly so, to enter the market.

Considering the government's laxness with labelling standards, we maintain that there are still some grey areas in the Liberal governance, in a party that claims to be transparent.

Nevertheless, we support Bill S-38, which is a small step for Canadian legislation and for Quebeckers and Canadians. Who knows, it might be a big step in the eyes of the Liberals.

Agriculture November 1st, 2005

Mr. Speaker, allow me to say a few words about the bill introduced by my colleague, the member for Vegreville—Wainwright, regarding the distribution of 2% strychnine solution to farmers.

I would like to congratulate my colleague on his desire to fight the animal pests that infest farmland and cause damage, which is hard for us to comprehend and evaluate when we do not personally face the problems they cause.

When people are wrestling with an affliction like this and see the effects on their hard work, threatened by vermin, using 2% strychnine seems like a panacea. I can understand why farmers who see their land invaded by rodents, their machinery in danger of breaking, and their crops being destroyed would be tempted to resort to this product.

It seems to me, though, that we should take a closer look, regardless of what it says in a recent report of the PMRA, the Pest Management Regulatory Agency, which concluded that using strychnine to fight northern pocket gophers, skunks, pigeons, wolves, coyotes and black bears does not pose an unacceptable risk to human health or the environment.

It says that this does not pose an unacceptable risk. Even if only interim, this permission from the agency could hardly be more dubious.

I am sure that if nothing is ventured, nothing is gained, but I cannot understand how exposing oneself to a poison can be considered an acceptable risk. The document issued on September 22 states that the current use of strychnine to combat Richardson's ground squirrel is of real concern to the environment. We know very well that human health is closely connected to the quality of the environment in general and the quality of the land, especially regarding food production for animals and humans.

Yes, it does state that this is an interim regulatory decision on strychnine while we await the adoption of a strategy for fighting the Richardson's ground squirrel. The caution that has prevailed so far is relegated to the back seat, and for how long? I know very well that there are imperatives related to the extent of the damage that may be caused by rodents. I can understand that farmers feel they have their backs to the wall and are ready to defend their property and the fruits of their labour whatever the cost. I acknowledge the consequences for farmers of an epidemic of predators but also what this means from the social and economic standpoints.

That said, after looking at the danger from every angle, is the risk not too great? Some would argue that the PRMA has taken that into account, which would explain why only temporary permission has been granted until further results or comments are received. What is more, government agencies have been talking about this issue for 25 years now and they always come back to the same conclusions.

Strychnine is a potent poison.

Who can say that an individual needing to be in a hazardous area will not suffer consequences some day, even if exposed to an infinitesimal amount? Who can guarantee there will not be any side effects? Who can predict the environmental consequences of its ingestion by farm animals or wild animals or birds? There were lessons to learn from the mad cow crisis.

And who will manage this new problem? Keep in mind that this is not an issue of resolving an occasional problem of rodents, a squirrel here and a rat there. We are talking about infested land. We are therefore also talking about very significant doses of a deadly poison scattered across land used to grow food.

We are facing a serious dilemma. We absolutely must help the farmers who are dealing with the Richardson's ground squirrels and all the other predators.

However, it is not for nothing that in 1992, Canada limited the concentration of the product to 0.3% and 0.4%. It is not for nothing that 2% strychnine concentrate can only be mixed under the supervision of an authorized official.

Just look at the assessments conducted by recognized experts. I will cite just two. The results of a study on the possibility of secondary poisoning of scavengers clearly show that there is indeed primary poisoning of non targeted birds when bait containing strychnine is used on ground squirrels and that this can lead to a considerable number of secondary poisoning cases.

Another study on the possibility of primary poisoning of non targeted species was done in Saskatchewan. The results clearly show that this serious risk is considerable for non targeted birds and mammals.

What more can I say other than the risks are real. We could add to the list of recommendations on labelling, increase the number of operating tips, add to the regulatory measures on human health or even the environment, but that does not change the fact that using a potent poison is deadly.

Whatever precautionary rules are written or enforced, the risks involved in the use of a 2% strychnine solution are so high that we must, as the representatives of the people, insist on a search for other drastic solutions to a problem, which, I understand, is causing farmers grief.

The fact that this product concentration was prohibited in the US and Canada indicates doubt, to say the least, about its use on the part of governments and the appropriate study and research bodies. In Europe, the Bern convention on the conservation of European wildlife and natural habitats has made the use of strychnine in pest control illegal.

We can only be grateful that the Pest Management Regulatory Agency is continuing its studies. I hope everyone seeking viable, effective and safe solutions to the spread of all sorts of predators to epidemic proportions will make their voices heard.

As a member of Parliament, I cannot permit the acceptance of such high risks and by means of legislation, at that. Regrettably, I am firmly convinced that it is our duty to put an immediate end to this motion, because its scope is too broad. I add that no interim arrangement is acceptable when human life is at stake and more importantly when the risk is present at various levels, including direct and indirect poisoning and when the environmental effects are hard to measure in the short, medium and long terms.

No risk is acceptable in this matter, whatever the circumstances that moved my colleague to introduce this bill. We must await solutions that do not threaten the integrity of life, at any level. I truly hope that this will come about as soon as possible.

In the meantime, lacking anything better, I prefer the use of 2% strychnine remain solely in the hands of the duly authorized and trained experts, even if it means the government approves, indeed insists on, emergency training for additional personnel to help farmers control the spread of crop-destroying pests. I propose this measure solely on compassionate grounds, since the situation is desperate. It would be much preferable to have lower concentrations used out of respect for nature.

It would be even better to have a clean solution put forward by our eminent researchers.

I regret it, but I must, in all conscience and for the reasons I have given, vote against my colleague's motion.

Canada Post October 26th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, this week the Bloc Québécois members from the Quebec City area presented a petition signed by 130,000 individuals opposed to the closure of the Canada Post sorting plant in Quebec City.

The concerns of the employees and the general public about the impact on the quality of postal service and the economy are fully justified.

Despite this huge response and the opposition by the socio-economic and political stakeholders on the north and south shores of the greater Quebec City area, the minister responsible for the Canada Post Corporation continues to turn a deaf ear.

At stake are 500 jobs, more than 150 of them casual, as well as the quality of postal services.

The residents of the Quebec City area have spoken. The Bloc Québécois supports their demand and urges the federal government to take heed and to make an announcement this very day that it is giving up its plan to close the Quebec City mail sorting plant.

Telecommunications Act October 24th, 2005

Madam Speaker, I would like to ask this of the hon. member. Should there be a registry of names of persons who no longer wish to be solicited in future, what would be the terms of operation of that registry? Second, by whom would it be administered? And third, what might be the estimated costs of such a method?

Intergenerational Transfer of Farms October 20th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, I very much appreciate this opportunity to speak on the subject of this Bloc Québécois motion on the next generation of farmers.

Is there an area that affects the daily lives of people more than agriculture? Not only is it necessary for human survival, but it is one of most important sectors in our modern economies. How many of us realize that ultimately we are talking here about our food security, which is certainly the envy of many other countries.

The Bloc Québécois motion proposing measures to facilitate the transfer of farms within families is crucial at this time when we see a steep decrease in the number of farms, especially in Quebec. As representatives of the people of Quebec in this Parliament, we are anxious to defend the interests of our farmers. I am concerned first and foremost because I am the member for a major agricultural area, the riding of Lévis—Bellechasse. The motion that we are moving today is therefore all the more important to me.

For the last 15 years, the agricultural heritage of Quebec has been slipping away. There are only 32,000 farms left in Quebec, or 10% fewer than in 1996. It is a disaster. The Matapédia Valley and the Témiscouata, Rivière-du-Loup and Trois-Pistoles areas have lost around 50% of their farmers, while one dairy farm a week disappears from the Lower St. Lawrence. If this is not a catastrophe, there is no word for such a disturbing situation.

According to Statistics Canada, the average assets of Quebec farms rose from $700,000 to $1.1 billion between 1997 and 2002. We might think that this is quite a respectable performance. But we also learn that the net cash income of farmers has remained the same. Knowing that it generally takes $5 in assets to generate $1 of income, we can see that farms have become less profitable.

And yet, there has been a respectable increase in the value of farmland. Indeed, it has more than doubled, from $606 an acre in 1981 to $1,598 in 2001. On the surface that looks fine. But, on the other hand, one also needs twice the money to buy back the farm, something which is not automatic. As a result, purchase offers based on the market value of the farm are few and far between. Add to this the fact that today 35% of farmers are over age 55 and 26% of those who want to retire still have no successors. Closing down the farm looms inexorably on the horizon.

This is a major problem. That is why the first two elements of the motion tabled in the House are more than appropriate.

Indeed, is it not time to increase the capital gains deduction on farm property in order to restore the balance with the increase in land values? We suggest that this deduction be doubled, bringing it to $1 million. It should be noted that we accompany this proposal with an obligation to maintain the farm.

I have many more arguments to raise. What I am saying, then, is that one simple motion contains a set of incentives and facilitating measures that can encourage young people and families to become more involved in the keeping family farms alive, in Quebec and in Canada. At stake is not only the survival of an important sector of our economy, but the maintenance of an essential service to the public, a service that guarantees its daily food supply and long-term security.

Given the importance of the issue and the precariousness of the situation, I implore all my colleagues here present to vote in favour of the motion, in a concerted effort to resolve a major problem in our society, and so put an end to the undesirable fluctuations in the future of the Quebec and Canadian agricultural sector.

All of us know, in spite of our political differences, that this is of the highest importance.

Future of Farming October 20th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, last week I had the opportunity to meet with the farmers of Bellechasse and to hear their concerns about the future of farming.

From 1996 to 2001, the number of farms in Quebec has decreased by 10% and their profitability continues to drop. What is more, the federal government's lack of conviction in defending supply management is penalizing young farmers.

As a result, a number of farm operations are being reluctantly closed down because the younger generation is not interested in carrying on.

The federal government must stop pulling the rug out from under our farmers. I call upon it to follow the lead proposed by the Bloc Québécois in motion M-225 and encourage young people to go into farming.

The Union des producteurs agricoles and the farmers are anxiously awaiting these measures, which will not cost all that much compared to the value of the agriculture heritage being lost. The future of agriculture in Quebec depends on it.