Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was liberal.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as NDP MP for Regina—Lumsden—Lake Centre (Saskatchewan)

Lost his last election, in 2000, with 42% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Immigration And Refugee Protection Act May 1st, 2000

Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to join with my colleague the member for Winnipeg—Transcona, and our immigration critic, the member for Winnipeg Centre, in saying a few words on Bill C-31, the immigration and refugee protection act.

In general this bill toughens the law with respect to illegal immigrants. It streamlines the laws and regulations which would facilitate easier access to our country by immigrants who wish to come to our country through the front door or through the regulatory process.

Immigration is very important. Practically all of our grandparents, parents or members themselves immigrated to this country from other countries in a process set out in previous legislation in the House of Commons. All of Canada is much stronger and is viewed as the best country in the world because we have been very supportive and embrace new Canadians coming to Canada to help build this great country.

My paternal grandfather came to this country in 1897 from Ukraine. He was recruited by Mr. Sifton of the CPR to go to a place called Fork River, Manitoba. He and many other Ukrainian settlers were given a quarter section of forest in which they were to carve out a living for their families, which he did.

My grandfather, Panko Solomon, went to the Fork River district. Over a period of years he cleared a quarter section, or about 160 acres of land, out of the forest. He cleared about 10 acres of trees with an axe, a saw, chains and a horse. To this day the farm exists as a tribute not only to him and other Ukrainians and settlers who built our country, but to all of our forefathers and foremothers who came here to make a better life for us all.

As an aside, my uncle still owns the property. He has a larger property but he has planted around the home quarter over 100,000 trees. My grandfather would probably turn in his grave if he knew this to be the case, but it is a very nice shelter built around the home quarter.

Bill C-31 tightens laws as they apply to the abuse of immigration. It creates severe penalties for those who smuggle people into Canada with fines up to $1 million and life imprisonment for those who illegally bring in immigrants to the country.

In essence, I think the tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime as it applies to immigration is a very good approach. It is one I personally support and I think most Canadians would support. Public reaction to illegal aliens has been largely negative. Some people have indicated they would halt virtually all immigration. Some people feel deeply for refugees who are following the rules. Those consigned to wait for years in camps until Canadian law affords them the chance to come legally to this country are looking to this bill with some interest.

The bill also increases the number of immigration control officers abroad. I guess what has always been a problem with Liberal legislation is that Liberals always introduce legislation which makes people feel good, but they never back it up with resources to actually implement the laws.

We have seen this for example in the smuggling of cigarettes. Rather than toughen up the laws and introduce resources to hire more customs officers to nail the smugglers, the Liberals passed feel good legislation saying they are going to reduce taxes on tobacco which will take the product off the smugglers' priority list.

Of course smugglers will move from smuggling cigarettes to smuggling guns. Rather than commit resources of our country to stop the smugglers of guns, the government passed the gun registration law which does nothing to affect it. It makes people feel good because the Liberals are doing something about the problem, but nothing ever happens because there are not the resources to back it up.

I am worried that there will not be resources. I would like to see the minister's projections with respect to the number of dollars and immigration officers the government is going to commit in our consulates and embassies around the world to actually undertake to enforce Bill C-31. I would like to see it not only abroad but in Canada as well.

We have had some experiences in Regina—Lumsden—Lake Centre with respect to immigration which are worrisome. Saskatchewan is a landlocked province in the centre of our country. People who come to our country wishing to immigrate or to bring in family members always have to go back to the country of origin or go to Seattle or Buffalo to the nearest Canadian consulates in the U.S. to apply for immigration. That has been a travel hardship for many people. I hope that the new rules will allow students easier access to our country, those who have proven to be good citizens while they were here.

The family reunification challenge has always been complex. In Saskatchewan we have been very troubled with the lack of speed to reunify families. As the minister has indicated, family reunification is very beneficial. When their families are here immigrants tend to work harder to make sure that their families have a solid economic base. I am very concerned that this sort of streamlining occurs in particular for the family reunification process.

The bill has many parts. It provides things such as security checks for persons making refugee claims. It bars access to the refugee determination system and eliminates appeals for serious criminals, security risks, organizers of criminal operations or violators of human rights.

I wonder if the minister could tell us if this bill will address the issue that appeared on the front page of the Globe and Mail on Saturday dealing with Chinese triads.

Competition Act April 5th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to join in the report stage debate on Bill C-276, a private member's bill proposed by the member for Sarnia—Lambton, which would curtail the use of negative option marketing in industries subject to federal jurisdiction.

The bill is remarkable for several reasons. First, it has survived so long in one form or another in spite of all of its numerous attackers, detractors and opponents. More on that later.

Second, it took a backbench member of parliament to introduce a piece of legislation protecting consumers. In my time as a member of parliament, I do not recall a single piece of consumer legislation coming directly from the industry minister himself. We have not seen any kind of progressive consumer legislation come from the government. It has always been from private members like the member for Sarnia—Lambton.

Most Canadians do not realize that the department of consumer and corporate affairs was long ago renamed the Department of Industry, reflecting quite well the concerns of this Liberal government and the Mulroney Conservatives before it.

Except for the member for Sarnia—Lambton, the Liberals care only about industry and care nothing for consumers as we have seen over and again, whether it is gas prices or all kinds of other issues. Liberals are shoulder to shoulder with millionaire hockey players and millionaire oil company execs to protect their particular situations.

Consumer affairs is now a little branch tucked away in the corner of the industry department. The consumer affairs minister is the industry minister, not that one would notice.

We only need to look south of the border to see how things might be different. There the U.S. attorney general is prepared to take on a giant company like Microsoft and win. They have anti-combine legislation which actually protects consumers. They have competition legislation which actually encourages competition.

We have an act which the Liberals have misnamed. They call it the Competition Act. From all experience seen under that act, everyone I know calls it the lack of competition act because there is no competition this particular act encourages. It encourages large, wealthy corporations to do whatever they want at the expense of consumers.

In Canada, when the banks come calling, the finance department and its various political flunkeys in the Liberal Party fall over themselves to co-operate and basically they cave in. It did not work, however, with this bill at the industry committee but it will be interesting to see how the junior finance minister, and the member for Etobicoke North, who both supported Bill C-276 at second reading, vote on it at third reading. I would hope they will support it as they did at second reading.

Will they vote for the bankers or will they vote for the consumers? I suspect the bankers will be first on their priority list, as they always have been, but we will be watching very closely.

I say to the member for Sarnia—Lambton that I was not always able to be at the industry committee hearings on this bill since I was also responsible for Elections Act amendments which were in committee at the same time in the procedure and House affairs committee. However, I followed the evidence and various amendments proposed, some of them constructive and some destructive, and I speak on them today as consumer affairs critic on behalf of my party.

As I said at second reading, banning negative option billing is a way to tell enterprises that where there are consumers involved, yes means yes and no means no. There is no implied consent in silence.

If they want customers to pay for a new service, they have to ask first, nicely. They just cannot ram new fees down customers' throats or sneak them in through the back door. Every consumer I have spoken with agrees with this statement.

This bill follows similar legislation adopted by the NDP government in British Columbia and by the Parti Quebecois government in Quebec.

The bill, as now amended by the committee, changes negative option marketing from a criminal to a civil reviewable offence. This amendment comes at the suggestion of the Competition Bureau which would be charged with administrating the Competition Act as amended by this bill.

There are arguments in favour and against. The criminal route has stiffer fines and can include every industry, but has a much higher evidentiary threshold and so is harder to enforce. The civil route amounts to a slap on the wrist, but it can be administered more quickly and, one hopes, very publicly. Given the public outcry against the cable companies back in 1995, we have some good evidence to believe this can be effective.

Our party reluctantly supports these changes so as not to let the purpose be the enemy of the good, but there is another unfortunate consequence. While the criminal law can apply to all industries, the civil reach of federal legislation extends to only those industries under federal jurisdiction. This limits us to the banks, the cable companies and the phone companies. Unfortunately, the insurance and trust companies and the credit unions have been dropped from the application of the member's bill.

That is what is so confusing about the latest report stage amendment being tabled by the Bloc member for Témiscamingue. The Bloc wants to exempt the province of Quebec from the bill. It claims the bill is not constitutional because it relates to commerce and other fields which come under provincial jurisdiction. If so, why does it not just exempt the whole country? Why exempt just Quebec? This approach is quite outrageous.

With all respect to my progressive colleagues in the Bloc, I do not know how in all good conscience they can oppose this bill which protects consumers in their own province. They apparently believe in the fiction that federally regulated companies comply with provincial legislation. I do not think they should rely on that when push comes to shove, especially not with the banks.

Even the Quebec consumer group, Action Réseau Consommateur, which testified at the Standing Committee on Industry, sees the need for this bill in Quebec. The Liberal government will sacrifice consumers at the altar of industry. The Bloc Quebecois will sacrifice common sense at the altar of ideology. That is appalling and, needless to say, we will oppose that amendment as the New Democratic Party as I am sure all other federalist parties will.

The banks could not defeat the bill in committee. The Bloc will not defeat it in the House. But what about the other place, the Senate, where friends of the Prime Minister are appointed to ensure that the rich and powerful have veto over common sense legislation which protects consumers?

In the last parliament the cable companies effectively sabotaged an earlier version of this bill in the Senate. This time we can expect the banks to take another try at it, unless of course we can abolish the Senate before the bill gets there.

My party believes there is substantial merit in even this modified version of the member's bill so we hope he has enough friends in the chamber of so many second thoughts. We wish him luck in the Senate.

In summary, the New Democratic Party will be opposing the Bloc's amendment and supporting the member's bill at third reading.

Proceeds Of Crime (Money Laundering) Act April 5th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague, the member for Regina—Qu'Appelle, for that very important question because I actually never addressed that in my remarks. I ran out of time but I had many more things to say.

Tax evasion is not addressed in this legislation because it is a possibility that many Canadians have a lot of flexibility in terms of accessing sophisticated offshore companies. Trusts and bank accounts can be set up in places like the Bahamas, which I mentioned earlier. Canada's chartered banks all offer banking services and tax savings, with most services offered in the Caribbean and Switzerland. Money that is in an offshore tax haven is not only out of reach of Revenue Canada, it is also safe from creditors.

In my remarks earlier I said that the reason it is not in the bill, I suspect, is because the government's very wealthy friends do not want it to be in the legislation. One example of why I say that is the Bronfmans. They had a trust account in this country which was set up under legislation created by the Liberals in the 1970s on a 20 year term. It was extended by the Conservative government for a number of extra years. When the term was coming to an end and they had to actually pay taxes on the trust account, the Liberals encouraged and gave permission for the Bronfmans to transfer this multibillion dollar trust account outside of the country, thereby avoiding taxes in Canada.

It is estimated that we lose about $1 billion a year on tax evasion. That one transaction that the Liberals undertook, encouraged and allowed the Bronfmans to undertake, cost us about $750 million in lost taxes on one transaction. I think the estimate of $1 billion is really out to lunch.

The bottom line is that the reason tax evasion is not in the bill is because the wealthy friends of the Liberals, the wealthy powerful corporations who support the Liberals, do not want it in here. Guess who pays the piper?

Proceeds Of Crime (Money Laundering) Act April 5th, 2000

It was in my riding and he never invited me. He should have invited me to the opening. He has to be more co-operative.

I am glad to see that is happening. One of his promises has been completed.

I want to get back to the RCMP because it is a very important institution in my riding. I know the RCMP were very concerned about the lack of funding and the lack of money involved in recruiting and training new officers. Hopefully the government opposite will provide sufficient funding for these individuals.

While I am at it, I want to say that I am very concerned about the privatization of the RCMP depot. Many of the workers there have worked hard to support the RCMP and to make sure that it is one of the best policing institutions in the world, but they are not treated as fairly as we think they should be treated.

My final point is that if the bill can provide some sort of controls on laundering money from criminal activity, why can the government not introduce a bill that will provide a Tobin tax on financial transactions that are legal?

By unanimous consent, the House of Commons passed a motion, which was introduced by my colleague, the NDP member of parliament for Regina—Qu'Appelle, that would undertake to institute a Tobin tax for Canada and the rest of the world but I have not seen any kind of initiative by the government.

The member for Wascana is here today and he has done a couple of good things in the last while. He has not done as much as we would have liked but he is progressing. We are training him well and we are happy he is finally taking some of our ideas to heart. I was wondering why he will not undertake with his colleagues, the Minister of Finance and the Secretary of State for International Financial Institutions, to initiate the promise in the motion that was passed in the House to support a Tobin tax which is a financial transaction tax on all the stock market transactions. There are no taxes on those particular transactions. Most members of parliament in Canada believe there should be a tax. Most elected officials in the world believe there should be a tax. The people who do not believe there should be a tax are the people in wealthy corporations and in very wealthy families.

The Liberals continue to support that kind of approach, that of the very wealthy corporations and very wealthy families in this country.

I am very concerned whether they will allow more tax evasion by wealthy families like the Bronfmans, whether they will allow more tax evasion by wealthy individuals and companies on the stock market or whether they will undertake to do what Canadians want them to do, which is to institute a Tobin tax, a fair tax on financial transactions on the stock market and throughout exchanges in the world so we can have a very controlled, steady and stable system that would not encourage people who get money through illegal means, such as money laundering, to use the stock market for their particular advantage.

In summary, we support the bill in principle. It has many more positive things to address. The government needs to put in some resources to support the bill to make sure that the law it is passing can actually be carried out by our law enforcement agencies.

Proceeds Of Crime (Money Laundering) Act April 5th, 2000

It is up and running in Bethune?

Proceeds Of Crime (Money Laundering) Act April 5th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the New Democratic Party caucus I am pleased to stand in this assembly and join with all of my colleagues to trash money laundering and to say to Canadians that we unanimously support eliminating criminal activity in this country. Otherwise, it would be a very different debate, if some of us defended the criminal activity that exists in our economy.

Bill C-22, which deals with the proceeds of crime from money laundering, is a very important piece of legislation in many ways, but it could be better. We have heard some of the speeches from the minister and others who talked about the wonderful and positive things it might do, and I believe that it will have a positive effect on our economy. However, I am concerned about a number of issues with respect to the bill.

The NDP supports this bill in principle. It is obviously important to support the introduction of legislation that curbs illegal activity.

However, there is a problem because of the wariness concerning the lack of certainty and clarity in some parts of the bill. Before I address that, Mr. Speaker, I would like to share with you some of the concerns I have with this bill.

First, I am concerned that this is going to be a piece of feel good legislation. The Liberals in the past have introduced legislation which I classify as feel good legislation. I hope this bill will not fall under same definition. What I mean by that is that the Liberal government tends to address very serious criminal activity in this country with a piece of legislation that makes Canadians feel good that something is happening to protect them, but in fact nothing ever happens to protect them. There is a law on the books, but there are never any resources to back up the legislation.

I would use two examples. There was cigarette smuggling in Quebec and Ontario a few years ago when the Liberals were cutting everything, including customs agents, police and security forces. A certain group of individuals started smuggling cigarettes into Canada, selling them in Quebec and Ontario. Rather than pass legislation which supported the customs and duty officers and our police forces in nabbing the people who were smuggling, they introduced a piece of feel good legislation. They made people feel good because they were doing something by passing a law which took federal tax off cigarettes in Quebec and Ontario, but that cost taxpayers $2 billion a year. Guess what. The smugglers went from smuggling tobacco to smuggling guns.

Rather than dealing with legislation like the Firearms Act, they should have committed resources to nab the gun smugglers. What did the government do? It passed a gun registration law, which has nothing to do with protecting Canadians, but it made them feel good that the Liberal government was actually doing something to protect Canadians. In fact, it was not doing a darned thing. It was encouraging smugglers to continue to smuggle.

We have these two pieces of feel good legislation which the Liberals passed. One was on tobacco taxes, which cost us $2 billion a year, and which will probably add tens of thousands to the debt because more people will be smoking in Ontario and Quebec because of the low price of tobacco. Then they passed the Firearms Act, which forces criminals to register their guns. As we know, criminals do not register their guns. Nothing has changed.

We now have Bill C-22, which is supposed to stop money laundering in Canada. If anybody believes this is going to be the epitome of legislation, they are dreaming in technicolour. I hope it has some effect, but if the bill is not backed up with some cash and resources to provide our country with more security, more police officers and more customs agents to look into these issues, then the law will be useless. It is a feel good piece of legislation. The government is trying to make Canadians feel good about it, but nothing will ever happen. The same old story continues, the money laundering, smuggling and all the criminal activities committed by people who want to use handguns and other kinds of illegal weapons.

The potential in this bill is very great, but I want to raise a couple of issues which I feel have to be addressed.

First, I am hoping the Liberals will put some money where their mouths are for a change when it comes to a piece of legislation which is in principle very good, but will not work unless there are some resources put behind it.

Another problem we see with the legislation is the potential for charter violations. The guarantees of reasonable search and seizure in the charter are at risk in our view with this bill.

The Criminal Lawyers' Association argues that the standard of suspicion outlined “fails to meet even the first and fundamental requirements of reasonable grounds”.

The legislation may create an irreconcilable conflict for professionals, such as lawyers, who remain subject to certain codes of conduct that prohibit them from disclosing information. It must also provide a mechanism to absolve an individual from the potential liability that may result from disclosing this particular confidential information.

The third issue in terms of our concerns is a possible pressure on consumers. As the consumer affairs critic, I am very concerned about every piece of legislation that comes before the House which would cost consumers more money than it would benefit them. We feel that the reporting regime set up to track and communicate suspicious transactions from criminal activity have at least two financial repercussions for consumers.

First, there is a cost to be borne by the taxpayers for the establishment and maintenance of the financial tracking system that will be set up. Second, in having to establish compliance mechanisms, there is a concern that the cost for setting up reporting mechanisms for financial institutions will be borne by these institutions' customers. That means that the consumer stands to pay the fare one more time.

The fourth issue of concern for us is the question about the system's effectiveness. There remains a series of concerns about the planned reporting scheme's effectiveness. There is a warning that the new regime has the potential to create a bureaucratic behemoth and the chance that organized crime could short-circuit such a system through a series of shadowy sophisticated transactions. Money might be better spent by granting law enforcement investigative bodies additional resources to detect and prosecute money laundering offences.

The fifth concern we have is that the bill does not address technology based crimes. Technology based crimes include credit card and debit card fraud, telephone fraud, stock market manipulation, computer break-ins and so on. These are very important because they are on the rise. More and more people are using the Internet. There is a huge growth in the debit card business. More and more consumers are using cards for instant transactions. A lot of personal information is on the Internet and is in the hands of tens of thousands of businesses in the country.

Increasingly organized crime syndicates are using technological and digital means of communication, such as encryption and scanning devices, potentially circumventing the provisions of the bill. People can buy a scanner for $200. Things can be scanned quickly, and then that information is put into a computer, which puts it all at risk.

What is more important is that money laundering is taking place in many cash businesses, not just with card transactions. I will not mention any particulars, but take for example a cash business such as a fast food franchise.

I happen to know someone from New Jersey who owns a fast food franchise. I asked him why he had it, because he was a very wealthy person. He said he had a couple of other businesses, but when his five year old daughter was asked what her father did he did not want her to have to answer something that was really not important or perhaps on the verge of not being legal. So he bought a fast food franchise and his daughter can now say that her dad owns a fast food franchise that sells ice cream. It is actually quite nice.

Of course, a cash business like that opens all kinds of opportunities for people to launder money. I am not suggesting that person is doing that, but it is one way to do it.

Another way to launder money would be for a family to buy five or six business class airline tickets to Europe, decide not to use them, cash them in and the money goes to the money launderer who gave them the money to buy the tickets in the first place, and then they split. I am not sure if that situation would be covered by the bill, but there are thousands of ways to launder money, more ways than I could recall.

We feel that we have to toughen up the bill and put some resources behind it to assist the lawkeepers and the peacekeepers in ensuring that the laundering issue is addressed in a tighter way.

A clearer and more precise definition of what constitutes a suspicious transaction is needed. The subjective nature of the definition could provide an excuse for compliance failure and, as a result, many suspicious transactions may not be reported.

In addition, the use of a vague definition could result in institutions over-reporting for fear of involuntary non-compliance, thus creating unnecessary and unwarranted scrutiny of innocent individuals.

The proposed legislation must clearly address the issue of the threat to the privacy of Canadians, specifically the possible disclosure of information to Revenue Canada, should it involve a taxation matter. Strict guidelines must be established.

It must also address the possible violation of the guarantees of reasonable search and seizure under the charter or rights and freedoms.

In addition, the issue of tax related offences should be addressed. Tax offences occur when money is transferred to offshore tax havens through offshore companies, trusts and bank accounts when the purpose is to conceal assets from Revenue Canada.

Money laundering, on the other hand, involves the intent to conceal criminal profits to make them appear legitimate. We have seen the Royal Bank, the Bank of Montreal, the Bank of Nova Scotia and the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce account for 80% of local banking in the Bahamas. Both the Royal Bank and the Bank of Nova Scotia have been implicated in money laundering cases in the Caribbean on more than one occasion. In one case the court ordered the Bank of Nova Scotia to pay $2,500,000 in fines, noting that laws should not be used as a blanket device to encourage or foster criminal activity.

What I am really worried about is that small aircraft and boats can land in our country and in the U.S. at tiny airports or marinas and they rely on the honour system when it comes to customs declarations.

The federal government also has plans to implement signing accords with major shippers that will allow them to cross into the U.S. without stopping. Companies would provide computerized updates to Revenue Canada of their shipments and custom agents would make spot checks at company locations rather than at the border.

The Liberal government has cut in half the customs enforcement budget, and it is still cutting. I am concerned that if this is not stopped and reversed, then this feel good legislation will be just that; it will not solve the problem, but through the public relations offices of the Liberal Party of Canada and the federal government they will try to persuade people that they should feel good because the legislation is there.

We heard that money laundering is the world's third largest industry by value. Between $5 billion U.S. and $17 billion U.S. is laundered in Canada each year. Money laundering extends far beyond hiding profits from narcotics. It includes trade fraud, tax evasion, organized crime in arms smuggling, and bank and medical insurance fraud. I would hope the government would provide the appropriate resources to address and look into these issues further.

American tax collectors estimate that they lose about $9 billion yearly to tax evasion. This comes from a book by Diane Francis entitled Contrepreneurs . At a rate of 1:10, because Canada's population is about 10% of the population of the United States, we stand to lose at least $1 billion. That sounds like a lot of money over a period of a year. When we look at it in terms of how the Liberals have helped their friends evade taxes, it is a drop in the bucket. Some members may be wondering what I mean by that.

If members will recall, the Liberals allowed the Bronfmans to transfer billions of dollars in trust accounts to the U.S. without paying taxes on the accounts. This created a loss to the Canadian taxpayers of almost a billion dollars. I think it was $750 million but we would not know because we were not told the value of the tax evasion, which was supported by the Liberals and the member for Wascana who also supported it front and centre. The Liberals allowed the Bronfmans to take this trust fund, which was set up in trust for the Bronfman family to use in Canada, and move it outside the country, thereby avoiding taxes.

I think Canadians view this kind of legal money laundering or legal tax evasion, which the Liberals support, as something that is a very big concern.

If the hon. member for Wascana has some suggestions we would appreciate his participation in the debate. I am sure he would be able to provide more information on that than I can.

The other concern I and the NDP have is that we have a money laundering bill that will be tough and that will addresses the issue of criminal activity and proceeds from criminal activity. Obviously if the government had the wherewithal it would try to shut down all the criminal activity in this country. That would be an honourable objective but I am not sure how the government views that. It has not really undertaken, in my view, a comprehensive attempt to do that.

In particular, the RCMP, which has really been choked for funds, has been strangled in terms of trying to hire and train enough officers in the country to handle just the bare, basic bones of police provisioning. The Liberals have choked back funding to the RCMP over the years to the point where in Saskatchewan alone we are 200 RCMP officers short. Over the last three years the Liberals have not provided enough funding to the Regina RCMP training depot.

I am happy to say that in this budget the Liberals did provide more money to the RCMP training academy, and I thank the member for Wascana for that effort. I think it is a very important initiative but it is too little too late. We are still waiting for the weather station that the Liberals promised in the last election.

Fuel Prices March 29th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, the OPEC ministers have finally reached a deal to hike oil production but no one should get too excited. After all, we will not see any relief at the pumps until next autumn.

A 10 cents per litre increase for 12 months costs consumers $4.5 billion. But suppose you live in St. John's, Newfoundland. A litre of gas will cost almost 85 cents at the pump today and Newfoundland is now a producer of oil. My own province of Saskatchewan is also an oil producer. At 75 cents per litre we pay more than anyone else on the prairies.

The point is, pump prices follow crude prices up very quickly but they sure take their time on the way down. That threatens the inflation rate, our whole economy and it gouges consumers. Just because we have not yet seen the inflationary impact does not mean it is not a problem. It took almost a year after the 1973 and 1979 oil price shocks for the full impact to be felt.

The government needs an action plan now to protect our economy but it has none. Consumers continue to lose billions of dollars to foreign oil companies.

Shipbuilding Act, 1999 March 28th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, on February 22 I asked the Prime Minister why it was that the U.S. energy secretary could find 17 things to do to help Americans with respect to the energy crisis but that he could not think of one thing to help Canadians.

The Secretary of State for International Financial Institutions, who is the brother of the former Liberal Premier of Ontario, David Peterson, responded. In his response, as to whether or not the government had any kind of action plan to defend the Canadian economy from the OPEC oil cartel, he was so confused, so uptight and so upset that his brother was beaten by the NDP that he made an error. I will quote from Hansard . He said:

—when the NDP government was in power in Ontario and it raised the Ontario excise tax on fuel twice, taking it from 10.9 cents to 14.3 cents. As well, it increased the provincial excise tax on gasoline twice, taking it from 11.3 cents to 14.7 cents.

That would make the provincial tax on fuel in Ontario 29 cents. It is of course only 14.7 cents in total. Whereas the federal excise tax is 10 cents and the GST is about 4.9 cents right now. There are actually more taxes applied to oil in Ontario than in any other province.

The supplementary question I asked was related to putting forward an action plan to protect Canadians and the economy from soaring energy prices. Rather than getting a response from the secretary of state, I received a response from the Minister of Natural Resources who avoided the question entirely as did the secretary of state. He said:

—to set the record clear...Canada is not a member of OPEC and we do not support that approach in the marketplace.

This had nothing to do with my question.

I wanted to know the government's plan. The U.S.A., the land of free enterprise and capitalism, is establishing a 17 point action plan to defend its economy and its consumers from the OPEC oil cartel price fixing situation with respect to energy. Canada has no such plan and no such action.

I wrote a letter to the Prime Minister asking him if he had a plan. If he did not have a plan, I wanted to suggest one to him. He called the provinces and the major stakeholders in the energy business to an energy summit. At the energy summit he locks the door, caps the energy prices and says, “Let us find a solution before I unlock the door”.

I have some suggestions. Have his officials examine suspending the GST until the price of energy declines. He could look at an emergency fund for low income families who are under pressure with respect to the high costs of home heating fuel. He could look at a low interest loan to help truckers and small business through this high price energy situation. He could examine regulating the industry as has been done in other parts of the world. He could undertake to facilitate an energy conservation component. He could toughen up the Competition Act.

These are suggestions that his energy summit should be undertaking to review. Instead we had the frivolous inane responses from two ministers which had no bearing or relationship to the questions that were asked.

I ask the parliamentary secretary tonight, what is the government's action plan to defend the Canadian consumer and the Canadian economy from the OPEC oil cartel price fixing situation as it applies to energy?

Canadian Institutes Of Health Research Act March 28th, 2000

Did you say Ralph Chrétien or Ralph Klein?

Canadian Institutes Of Health Research Act March 28th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I congratulate my colleague from Winnipeg North Centre for her remarks on this very important bill.

I would ask my colleague what distinguishes the New Democratic Party's view of health care from that of the Alliance-Liberal style government we have in the country. Could the member give us some pertinent information as to why we are at this point in health care and on the cutbacks we have seen over the years? Maybe she could give us some information as to actual numbers in terms of cutbacks and the pressures that have been applied to our very important health care system. Who basically drove the Liberal agenda? Was it the Reform Party's drive for two tier health care or the Americanization of the system? Maybe she could give us an overview as to how those positions differ from the NDP's.