Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was yukon.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as NDP MP for Yukon (Yukon)

Lost her last election, in 2000, with 32% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Kosovo April 12th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, every single bomb we drop drives us farther and farther from our objective of peace.

I have had calls from constituents whose families are in Serbia. They said that last year their brothers would not fight but now they cannot wait to fight because they have wholeheartedly turned against the west. We are not going to achieve our objectives by dropping more bombs. We are going to cause more problems and more harm.

There are no rules in war. When my father fought in the second world war women were not touched. When we drop a bomb now, we unleash untold brutality on the very people we want to protect. Other people who are suffering are women, children and the elderly. Serbians and Albanians are losing their homes.

If we do not try to do things differently, we will continue to have the same results, more cruelty and more brutality. We will go farther and farther away from peace.

Kosovo April 12th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, my colleague mentioned that we knew how ruthless Milosevic was. Under those conditions, knowing how ruthless he was, why were we not prepared for the tragedy that has followed? Why were we so unprepared to look after the refugees? Why are we still unprepared to look after the humanitarian destruction that has followed?

I think this debate should be what gives us time to stop and look at where we went wrong because we went wrong somewhere if we have achieved the exact opposite of what we wanted, which was safety for the Albanian people.

Kosovo April 12th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate this debate. It gives us a chance to reassess the situation since what we are facing is political failure, humanitarian failure and now military failure in the area. Bringing refugees over as they are undocumented would be a nightmare. They live in a terrible purgatory.

Is the minister willing to put as much money and effort into humanitarian success as has been put into bombs being dropped on innocent civilians both in Yugoslavia and Kosovo? Both of those peoples should know that we support them in every way we can, but we cannot allow a humanitarian failure when our objective was to prevent it.

Criminal Code March 16th, 1999

moved:

That a legislative committee be established to prepare and bring in a bill, in accordance with Standing Order 68(4)(b), to abolish the legal defence of provocation contained in section 232 of the Criminal Code of Canada.

Mr. Speaker, the intent of the motion is to abolish the defence of provocation which makes excuses for murder. If we as a country hold murder to be abhorrent, so much so that we do not have the death penalty, why on earth would we incorporate values that excuse murder on the basis of an insult or a wrongful act? My intention is to get rid of this defence so that we do not come out at the end of a trial wondering how on earth someone could get less than five years for murdering someone.

This happened in my community. I am still wondering how Ralph Klassen could get a five year sentence for murdering his wife. How can we say that he did not intend to murder her when he strangled her by tying a pillow case around her neck? Because he did not intend to murder her, his sentence was reduced to manslaughter and he got a very small sentence. I will again state that it clearly comes down to how we value human life.

There were huge walks in protest against this sentence. I have been presenting petitions in parliament over the last year and a half asking for the abolition of the defence of provocation. Our justice minister put out a discussion paper last fall but there has been no movement on it.

I will go into more details on this defence. It is a partial defence for murder. What it does not do is take away the right of people to defend their family, themselves or their property. There are specific areas of defence in our laws that look after that.

This law came out of the 17th century where two men of equal class were considered able to fight a duel in effect because someone had been insulted. Since their honour was at stake it was considered quite normal that they would fight. What we call that now is a bar room brawl.

At that time there was a death penalty for murder. The idea was to provide an understanding of a human frailty. Yet we do not provide a defence for someone who commits a murder out of compassion or pity. We do not excuse the fact they felt so bad for the person that they felt it was justified to kill him or her, but we are saying that if someone gets angry, furious or enraged it is all right for them to act on that rage and murder someone.

I will now jump back to Yukon. Within a period of years we had the Klassen murder case in which he got a five year sentence. He was a man who had many degrees, studied theology and held himself to be morally and intellectually above most of his peers or anyone in his community. He got a very short sentence for the murder of a woman he said provoked him, taunted him, drove him to murder.

There was also a young woman who killed her spouse when she came upon him having sex with another man. She stabbed him. He died. She got a maximum sentence. She was not even eligible for parole for a minimum of 10 years.

I am not saying that she should have got Mr. Klassen's sentence. What I am saying is that the defence is wrong and he should have got her sentence. We should not be excusing murder because of a passionate outburst or an angry, rage filled outburst.

The defence of provocation will accept an excuse of something that is grossly insulting, an attack upon a friend or a man coming upon his wife in adultery. Those are the foundations of the defence. It is based on the idea that uncontrollable acts of anger or passion should be forgiven with a lesser penalty, but again not acts of compassion. It is also based on the premise that the victim got what he or she deserved, that somehow he or she deserved to be murdered and we should then excuse the person who did it.

In the Klassen case torment and taunt were alleged. We have to remember that Susan Klassen was dead at that point. The husband and wife were separated. He drove thousands of miles out the highway, came to the marriage home, expected to sleep in the marriage bed, and she said “what is the use?”

To defend this supposed statement he had someone say that a few years ago she had made an allusion to his low sperm count. That was the provocation. That was the wrongful act, words, or the insult which drove this man to murder his wife. There is no way that we should accept those kinds of excuses within the Criminal Code.

It goes even further than that because after that sentence was rendered people who were in anger management programs felt that they would have been better off if they had murdered their spouses because then they would not be in anger management programs and would have been out of jail without having any further obligations to their community or society.

Provocation basically went unchanged until the 19th century when some criteria were placed on it. It had to meet the standard of a reasonable person, someone who identified with you or I or anyone who had reasonable control over his or her emotions. One of the criteria is that the person had to have acted suddenly, that the insult or provocation had to have been sudden and unexpected.

Someone who suffered long term abuse could never use the defence of provocation. If a person had been beaten for years then the provocation of having been beaten was not sudden. Nor was it unexpected. People who have been beaten, whether a child, a spouse or an elderly person who sometimes and often sadly are abused in society, and react in any way to the defend themselves or to kill someone who routinely beat them could not apply for the defence of provocation because it was not sudden. They had been beaten before so they would expect to be beaten more. That defence is patently not available to those people.

Even in the Ratushny report prepared by that judge for justice minister she said that four of the approximate 100 women's cases that she looked at would have been eligible to invoke the defence of provocation. One of them did and it was rejected in the court, and the other three refused to do it for very personal reasons. They felt they were making excuses for what they did and so they did not invoke that defence.

It is not often used for women because the context of the defence does not allow for conditions in which, sadly, women murder. The case in Yukon was a classic case of provocation and it was not even considered for that young woman. She got a penalty which I think is accurate and fair for anyone who murders, especially in a fit of rage, because we are supposedly brought up to control ourselves, not to let words get to us, and to act in a manner according to our community's desire for peace and harmony.

Using the term a wrongful act or an insult widens how this defence can be used. It has been used over and over. For example, if someone says she is barren she could not kill her husband and use that as a justification. Yet if it is turned around it is being justified.

If a man makes a sexual advance toward another man, it is used in cases where homosexuals are killed. Is that reason enough to kill someone? Is that considered an insult? Is that response a lethal response?

Is killing someone else an acceptable response to a word or an insult? No matter how dreadful one feels about that insult, can they retaliate with taking someone's life?

Remember when it comes to using the defence of provocation, murder is never in question. It is established that it was not murder. It is firmly entrenched in our cultural ideas of what an insult is, what honour is.

There was a Witness program which documented honour killings which we generally associate with the Far East. Women I talked to who had watched that movie were absolutely horrified. We have honour killings. That is what the defence of provocation is all about. It is about justifying honour killing.

It is legal for a person to want to leave a relationship. We call it divorce. A person can do that. The most dangerous time for a woman who leaves a relationship is the time period immediately thereafter. That is when she is most in danger of being murdered. She has stepped outside the boundaries, outside of what is considered honourable and outside of the control of the person she married. Therefore her life is in danger, as possibly are the lives of her children. Often her life is taken. Such was the case with Susan Klassen.

What we accept in law is not far from the rule of thumb, where it was perfectly all right for a husband to beat his wife as long as he did not use anything thicker than the width of his thumb. That was the rule of law.

This defence still hinges on those kinds of concepts. They are based on gender and class. They do not have any room in our society. We cannot excuse a man or a woman for acting out in a rage or frenzy. It is not acceptable to say that a person deserved to be killed and because that person said something that was not liked, the person who did the killing is given a lesser sentence.

When a judge reduces a sentence for murder to manslaughter there is no minimum sentence applied. Moving it down to manslaughter means that the judge has complete discretion over the sentencing.

Violence in the home and violence between intimate partners should carry a heavier sentence. It is a position of trust that has been violated. We should be safe in our home, not in more danger. Of those women who are killed, most are killed within the home. Our chief justice says that our law has traditionally insulated accountability for violence in the home, that it has made it all right, that we would turn a blind eye to violence in the home.

It still happens. It happens at the basic level of law enforcement. RCMP officers and other police officers do not want to go into those situations. They turn the other way. It does not matter how many times a woman calls, there is no response to their situation.

What has been accepted as insults in our law? These actions are unlawful but have been considered insults concerning the defence of provocation: articulating one's rights; expressing a difference of opinion; taking a job; having a relationship with persons other than one's spouse, partner or lover; selecting one's friends; maintaining family relationships; striking back when being battered. They are used to justify battering of partners and the murder of partners. The nature of insults is troubling because they can provide and do provide a licence to kill. We have to question, are there any words that we would accept as giving a lethal response?

Other arguments are that this defence would be better if it was broadened and opened up for women to use as well. I argue against this because the premise is bad. The idea of being able to kill for one's honour should not be expanded to include another gender. It would be broadened on a basis that is wrong, on values that are wrong, on a principle that is wrong.

Why would we expand something that is essentially wrong and allow more people access to making excuses? We do not make excuses in other areas of law. Lesser offences do not have a built-in provocation defence to make excuses for people. Why when we hit the most dreadful of crimes in our country, murder, would we then be willing to make excuses?

Canada does not have a death penalty any more. Nobody is facing a death penalty when charged and found guilty of murder. Why would we lessen a sentence to a point where it is almost meaningless within our community?

If we look at provocation in terms of principles, we should not have it. It should not exist and we should not be honouring it in any terms, let alone by entrenching it in our thoughts and in our courts. If it is looked at in terms of stakeholders and who benefits from using the defence of provocation, then there are a lot of problems and questions based on value. We would have a defence that as it stands is more accessible for men to use when they kill their spouse or when they kill someone they have gotten into a fight with. We are making it more accessible in those terms.

Based on principle and value it is not a defence we should be promoting, using or having available for a judge to apply in any manner whether it is justified or unjustified. My point is the defence of provocation is never justified.

The Minister of Justice put out a discussion paper. I travelled around the Yukon Territory last year. In the fall I held a town hall so that I could give a response to the minister and be part of the discussion.

This is one of the topics that is more difficult to speak about but it does not mean it should not be discussed. It means we have to push hard to move forward and to make changes in our justice system that will bring equality.

I do not believe if we abolish the defence of provocation that suddenly we will have a far more peaceful and violence free society. I do not think that will happen but it is a step in that direction.

We have to address the intent to kill. We cannot accept that someone did not mean to kill the person, even though they put their hands around the person's neck and choked the person until their thumbs broke, even though they tied a pillowcase around the person's neck, even though they stabbed someone 47 times. We cannot accept that they did not somehow intend the action to kill. If they do that and do not claim insanity or any altered mental state, then they by their actions meant to kill somebody.

Again, I do not think this will change our society dramatically but it will be a step in that direction. It will be a movement toward saying you cannot beat somebody up and blame it on them; you cannot murder somebody and blame it on them. We will not give a lesser sentence under those circumstances.

I will end with a tribute to Susan Klassen's family, to every man or woman who has been murdered and their murder excused on the basis of this defence.

When our country lost a woman like Susan Klassen, it was a terrible tragedy that will not go away. She was a kind and generous woman, a storyteller of international renown. She was generous with her stories which came out of her like a symphony. She shared them with the young and old, throughout her day, in her job, in our arts centre. She was a focal point for the northern storytelling festival which storytellers from around the world attend.

It was terribly symbolic that she was choked, that her voice was cut off. If her husband could not have her, nobody could have her. Nobody would hear from this woman again. She was in the prime of her life. It was particularly cruel and degrading and frightening to everybody in the community. I am really proud that our city stood up, men, women and children protested.

We cannot allow this. We cannot exonerate people for murder. We certainly cannot do it based on an archaic sense of honour, that someone should be allowed to take another life on the basis of an insult.

This is a votable motion. I appeal to have the issue sent to a committee to be looked at even more closely with the intent to hopefully abolish it and move what we need into self-defence.

Division No. 342 March 15th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am going to carry on with my question to the interlocutor for the Metis about first nations housing.

More and more first nations are forced to live off reserve for social and economic reasons, but it does not matter where they live. Either on reserve or off reserve, conditions are appalling, they are disgraceful, they are dangerous, they are cold, they are unheated. They are third world conditions as confirmed by the United Nations. These are Canadian conditions if one is a native person in Canada.

The federal government has a responsibility for accessible social housing, but in particular is responsible for first nations people in this country. Our first nations people should not be dying in garbage dumps in Ontario or freezing to death on city streets. There is enough wealth in this country for everyone.

I received a letter today from the Lubicon which states that in the richest province in one of the richest countries the Lubicon live without even the necessities of life, such as running water and sewage disposal. Families of 10 to 15 people are crowded into a single, uninsulated house with no money to repair even a broken window. Tuberculosis, diabetes and cancer rates have soared. With 95% of the adults unemployed, social ills have taken an enormous toll. All the while, over $9 billion worth of resources have been extracted from Lubicon lands. This is a similar situation faced by first nations people all over the country.

This could be avoided by making the “Gathering Strength” document actually work to treat the first nations as if they are partners, not as if it is a master-servant relationship.

The booklet of the National Aboriginal Housing Association of May 1998 asks for the transfer of housing to be halted. The need for housing can be justified either as a fundamental human right recognized by international law or as an aboriginal right specific to the aboriginal peoples in Canada.

Canada is signatory to many international covenants and conventions, including the United Nations charter. It is involved in the working group which is drafting the universal declaration on indigenous rights. These covenants and conventions were fully discussed in a paper entitled “First Our Lands, Now Our Homes” in response to the urban and rural native housing cutbacks in 1993.

There is absolutely no reason that we cannot properly house the first nations people of this land. They are not in an equal situation and they need housing as a basic human right so they can attain equality in other areas.

Social Policy March 12th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, we are told the United Nations deems Canada as being one of the best countries in the world in which to live and the best for food, but not for the aboriginal people living either off or on reserve, not for the poor and not for those living in isolated northern communities.

These are the people who are paying the cost of this Liberal political agenda. The deregulation of airlines and forcing Canada Post to make money has forced up the price of goods in northern and isolated communities. Abandonment of social housing has left off reserve aboriginals to die in the garbage dumps and on the main streets of this rich country.

We expect this government to make Canada the best place for all our citizens and to put homes, health and justice as high on its agenda as it puts the giant world of business.

National Housing Act March 11th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, if it were just a reallocation of resources there would not be such a big problem. It is the taking away of resources and making it far more difficult for people to have homes. It is really homes for profit and not homes for health.

We are dealing with the privatization of homes and people who otherwise would never have a chance to own a home or to even be part of a home. It is about turning social policy into profit rather than just reallocating resources, better town planning, better input. Where should this housing go? How will it benefit us as a community? If that was all it is about, it would be a really good step. It is not.

It is about taking away the prospect of a home. We see the results day after day with more and more people on our streets and under our bridges, the young and the old. Even those who are working are not able to afford a home.

National Housing Act March 11th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, in Yukon we have an umbrella final agreement with most of the first nations having signed on and finished their land claims to have the obligation to look after themselves, to make their laws, to produce the goods they need to support themselves whether off the land or through commercial ventures where they would join in the greater part of Canada. Land claim agreements are exactly about what the member of the Reform Party is saying.

By supporting first nations agreements, claims and treaties for their own self-determination and self-government, we would be giving them the freedom to improve their living conditions and their way of life in a manner that suits their cultural background.

National Housing Act March 11th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, this bill unfortunately is about what we are losing as a country and as individuals. We would not suddenly just by lowering taxes have more houses available to those people who may or may not have jobs, because just having a job now does not guarantee one will get a mortgage to get into a home.

I know of women with decent jobs who are single parents and are not eligible for a loan. Neither were they eligible for any help from CMHC so that they could buy a home, even though they had the money to make the monthly payments.

The saddest point about this issue is what we are losing. The bill would eliminate statutory requirements for social housing to be safe, sanitary and affordable. Those are minimum requirements that we would expect for any housing, let alone social housing.

I quote from a letter dated September 22, 1993, from the current Minister of Finance to the National Housing Coalition in which he stated:

We believe the federal government has a positive, proactive role in a national housing policy and the responsibility of accessibility and affordability to over one million Canadian households living in need of adequate shelter.

I could almost cry knowing that this has not happened and that in fact the reverse has happened. The government is not even willing to shelter those who are most vulnerable in society such as those who have psychiatric problems and have ended up on the street. We are also talking about the elderly and the very young.

I have a young friend who left Yukon to return to Ontario and lived on the street for two to three months. She struggled really hard, lived in shelters and managed to get herself into high school. In fact she will graduate this year. She spends her spare time volunteering to help other kids get off the street.

Every day when I walk to work I make sure that I have money for the people who are on the street at 8 o'clock in the morning because they have no place to live. One man has lived under a bridge for the last 17 months. Why on earth would we tolerate that? We do not need people living without anything but a sleeping bag, a hat and a pair of sunglasses. We can afford to do better.

The bill shows an unwillingness to build houses, to take money from people who pay their taxes and turn it into four walls and a roof so that nobody will freeze to death in the night.

Another part of our population that suffers disproportionately when it comes to housing are our first nations people. Recently I saw a video put together by an Ontario group of first nations. In three towns the first nations people were at dumpsites using scraps to build shelters. They were living in burnt-out old vehicles. They had 10 to 20 people in their little shacks so that they could stay warm at night. This is all they had.

Those little places are regularly either burned down by the townships or bulldozed because they do not want them there. They do not want those little shanty towns outside their rather nice cities. That is all these people have to call home. Whatever piece of two by four, plastic or plywood they can put together is their home. Then as a country we say it is all right to burn them down. In those three communities alone there were nine deaths. They were called natural causes but dying of TB and exposure are not natural causes. Not having a place to live is not natural.

Another tragedy for these people is that they are the ultimate victims of the residential school system. Ninety-eight per cent of them have come out of that system. They do not fit in their own community. They do not fit in a white community. They live in our garbage dumps.

The people of one of the towns had enough compassion to have the RCMP arrest them and put them in a cell so that at least they would have a warm place overnight. Some 2,300 arrests were logged in one year just to give these people a warm place to sleep.

It has been said over and over that first nations people are living in third world conditions. They do not have equality. Our minister of aboriginal affairs has issued a Gathering Strength document dealing with building new partnerships. The problem is that they need to be equal to be partners. In no way can we say the first nations people of the world are financially equal to the rest of us. All we have to do is look at the houses they are forced to live in to know that they do not have equality. How can they be considered partners that can go out and get financing to build homes?

The CMHC bill has indicated an intention to seek joint ventures with first nations as a way of facilitating housing developments on reserves. However, it would be a radical change to make first nations borrow from financial institutions to pay for their own housing. This would be a back door abandonment of the government's responsibilities for housing on first nations. Over half of the first nations population live off reserve and in the ghettos of our cities.

Canada has signed a lot of covenants and conventions recognizing that aboriginal people have the right to an adequate standard of living for themselves and their families including adequate food, clothing and housing. This is not being met by any stretch of the imagination.

As I travelled around Yukon I met a couple. They were elders and were forced to live in a burnt-out cabin. That is all they had. The older gentleman had arthritis in his hand so he could not build a new cabin. That is the kind of housing we are expecting them to live in.

When it comes to living in the north, the CMHC underwriting of mortgage insurance has been absolutely essential for anyone to get a house there. We would lose the capacity of the CMHC to absorb losses. If it underwrites these mortgages itself, it might decide that it cannot afford to insure houses in the north, that it is far too expensive and it will not do it. The state of Alaska has had to deal with the issue because it only has commercial mortgage insurance. No one would go into Alaska to insure homes so it had to depend on government intervention to insure mortgages to allow people to get homes.

It is a very different situation to try to get a mortgage for a home in the north. It is not something that happens even if one has the money to buy a home and pay the mortgage on a monthly basis.

Aboriginal Affairs March 1st, 1999

Mr. Speaker, there are first nations people in the country who do not live on reserves. In fact they are living in garbage dumps in towns around Ontario. In the fall, nine of them froze to death or died of TB or of other diseases related to poverty and exposure.

I know there is a Gathering Strength document but it is not helping these people. In fact they said it has put them back 20 years in their inability to even make contact with the interlocutor for Metis people. They would like to meet with him. They have good ideas about how to help these people.

Will the minister meet with them so that they can help those who are still alive and living in the dumps?