House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was farmers.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Reform MP for Blackstrap (Saskatchewan)

Won his last election, in 1997, with 37% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Committees Of The House December 11th, 1997

Madam Speaker, I sit here perplexed. This is the beginning of my second term in the House and in the last four years since I have been part of this House, I have often wondered why it is that members on this side of the House come up with those heart-wrenching, gut-wrenching examples like the Machell case or, as the member for Wild Rose talked about earlier, three young families who could not pay the bills.

Why is it that we never hear anything like that from the other side? Everything we hear from the other side is that everything is fine, everything is great, don't worry, be happy. It is really confusing when we hear those kinds of things.

My colleague used some examples. I would like to give another example about spending priorities. This is something my colleague talked about, the parole system, and obviously an area that I am working in. I want to ask the member a simple question. Would it not be better if we took that $100 million, $200 million or $300 million that it is going to cost taxpayers for gun registration and put it into real, meaningful programs such as expanding police forces? I worked for the city of Saskatoon police and they have had to shut down their community police station, cut back because they cannot pay the bills. Would we not be better to target those dollars to areas where they could do far more good?

Immigration December 5th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, this week the auditor general revealed to Canadians something they already knew. He stated that the Immigration and Refugee Board was a slow, bureaucratic and patronage-ridden board. He said it takes up to two and a half years to get a refugee claim settled.

Does this government really think two and a half years is an acceptable time to settle a claim? A lot of Canadians want to know what the government is going to do about it.

Canada Pension Plan December 5th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, yesterday in the debate over Canada's biggest tax grab, Bill C-2, the parliamentary secretary to the minister stated that if a young person contributed $1 to the CPP fund they could expect a whopping return of $1.80 after only 30 years of uncertainty. Wow.

If the young person had a buck to invest which, first of all, is unlikely because they are already dead broke from Liberal taxes, but if they did happen to find a rusty old loonie on the street they would have to consider where to invest it. Would they rather mail that loonie off to Ottawa to a plan that is already $500 billion in debt in the faint hope of $1.80 return if they are really, really lucky or would they invest it themselves?

Even at 5% return on that investment that loonie would turn into at least $4 in 30 years. That would be in a safe or secure bank or credit union where they could visit their investment any time they wanted to.

One does not have to be a brain surgeon to figure out which is a better bet.

Aboriginal Affairs November 27th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, the way I see it the real difference between that side of the House and this side is that we talk to the grassroots Indian people rather than the leaders.

The minister has been talking a lot about working together and partnerships. Yet her department is betraying all the partners in this issue: the grassroots Indian people and the silent partners, the taxpayers of this country, and all the while her bureaucrats, people like her own ADG, Allan Horner, do the talking for the department.

When is the minister going to send Mr. Horner to the corner and take charge of her department?

Dna Identification Act October 29th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I congratulate you on your appointment. This is my first opportunity to say this publicly with you in the chair. As do my colleagues, I look forward to this session with you in the chair.

Let us talk about Bill C-3. No one from our party would be opposed to a national DNA registry. The theory is sound and solid. No one in this party would disagree with that.

However, my concern is that I do not believe the bill takes us far enough into the future and makes arrangement for a DNA registry that will encompass all the things that should be in it. We think the bill at very best is a half measure.

I just spent a week in Washington meeting with officials of the justice department. One of the issues we talked about at some length was the issue of DNA evidence and registry. I would like to quote from a book of case studies carried out and issued by the U.S. department of justice about how important DNA evidence can and will be. I quote Rockne Harmon, senior deputy district attorney for Alameda County, California:

The introduction of forensic DNA typing into the legal system was heralded as the most significant event in criminalistics since dermal fingerprint identification. Few developments ever live up to their advanced billing—but DNA has.

Cases are now being prosecuted that never would have been possible before the advent of DNA typing. Many states have created DNA data bases on known offenders that they can compare against unsolved crimes.

—the results occasionally exonerate a suspect or suspects. Such cases rarely are front page news because the tests have served their purpose. Investigators can redirect their efforts to alternative suspects.

I use that quote because Canada is on the cutting edge, the leading edge of this type of technology. Our thinking on this side is why would we want to cut that process off at the knees. Let us make this DNA registry supply the tools that the people in our justice system need in order to carry out their jobs more efficiently.

Equally important for a DNA registry is the ability to exonerate someone who is actually not guilty of a crime. I use a well known case in Canada, from the province of Saskatchewan, the David Milgaard case. This past summer with the use of DNA evidence David Milgaard was released from prison. He was released because through DNA testing it was found that he did not commit the crime he was accused of and for which he spent 23 years in jail.

The evidence is so conclusive that the Saskatchewan government immediately entered into negotiations with Mr. Milgaard on how much they were going to pay him in compensation. Very few governments would take that route without convincing evidence. The province of Saskatchewan had no doubts about the conclusiveness of the DNA test.

To quote from the same book I quoted from a moment ago, Walter F. Rowe, professor of forensic science at the George Washington University said:

An unforeseen consequence of the introduction of DNA profiling has been the reopening of old cases. Persons convicted of murder and rape before DNA profiling became available have sought to have the evidence in their cases re-evaluated using this new technology. In some cases, DNA test results have exonerated those convicted of the offences and resulted in their release from prison.

The point I am getting at is this technology is so critical and crucial to law enforcement agencies that we must do the very best job we can to put this registry together so it serves the purposes of those involved.

Our plan on this side of the House would be to go much further than the Liberals in their original draft of Bill C-3. We would like to make the DNA registry and Bill C-3 completely parallel to the current fingerprint legislation whereby a suspect at point of arrest would have a sample of DNA taken. That sample would then be used in order to either convict or exonerate that person accused of the crime. Anyone found not guilty of a particular crime would have the right to ask the department to remove their DNA sample from the registry, as they are allowed to do under the fingerprint legislation.

One of the arguments we get from some of the civil libertarian groups is that it goes too far. What is too far? That really is the question.

My answer to that is if you are going to make a mistake, if you are going to err, it is far better to err on the side of victims than on the side of accused criminals.

The other argument I hear is why would you want to take this sample at point of arrest. You are certainly not convicted of a crime at that point in time. That is true, of course. Law enforcement agencies have better things to do than arrest people without some justification. The police I talked to, the men and women protecting this country, have reasonable grounds before they arrest any person.

The other argument I hear is about the security of the registry itself. Of course there is no guarantee and there cannot be any guarantee that the system would be fail safe.

The good part of this bill, and I agree there is a good thing in this bill, is that it does have very tough penalties for the unauthorized use of the registry. That must be continued and strictly enforced.

When I look back through the history of fingerprint legislation, we have never had a problem, to my knowledge, of a breach of security for the fingerprint system.

This bill should be a very critical part of our justice process. That goes without saying. It must be a major part of our process. It is not the be all and the end all of solving cases or exonerating people from crimes they have convicted. However, if used properly, it can go a very long way toward making the justice system, which many people in this country are very frustrated with, more appealing to the Canadian people.

If we give the police and the justice system all the tools available, we could put those resources, both human and financial, to better use. We can put those people back on the streets where they need to be and where they must be.

On the other hand, as I mentioned before, it also gives people wrongly accused of crimes all the tools available in this day and age to ensure them a fair and conclusive trial. That does happen. We have seen evidence of that in Canada during the last few years. That is something no one can argue with in this country.

I know we are going to have the opportunity to speak about this bill as it goes through the regular parliamentary process. I am looking forward to that. I expect that our party may well put some amendments forward to this bill and we will discuss those in the House.

I urge the government to take heart as to what is said in committee from those witnesses who come forward, to take heart and take note of what is said in this House as this bill goes through the rest of the process.

Penitentiaries October 29th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, here is another example of this minister's benevolence to help ease the financial burden of convicted criminals. This one comes from the outside.

According to public accounts released yesterday, the minister's department has lent thousands of dollars to criminals on parole and then his department forgave over $25,000 of these loans. At least somebody is getting out of debt.

I have a question for the temporary minister. Did he know that his department was giving loans to criminals and then not even bothering to collect them?

Penitentiaries October 29th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the solicitor general, so I will speak very slowly.

We have the minutes of a meeting of the inmate committee of the Joyceville Penitentiary. We showed the minister a copy of this document last week. The minutes show that the assistant deputy warden is actually setting up a payment plan so prisoners can pay off illegal drug debts. Last week the minister said this was bad, and that is good.

What is he going to do about it?

Correctional Service Canada October 24th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, yesterday in the House my colleague from Wild Rose stated how Roy Tremblay, a prison guard in the process of relocating a prisoner with full-blown AIDS, was stuck by a hidden tattoo needle.

The following letter from Mr. Tremblay expresses his frustration with our present day penal system. The letter reads:

Isn't it ironic that Corrections Canada provides convicts with condoms, lubricant and bleach to clean their needles, and we've been told that Joyceville is thinking about opening a tattoo room for its inmates?

Well what about providing some protective equipment for the staff? I ask you, isn't a guard's life worth the cost of a pair of puncture resistant gloves?

He goes on to write:

It may be said that I am bitter and should just get on with my life. Well guess what? I am very bitter and I would gladly trade places with these people and let them have the worries and uncertainty that I have to endure every day.

Corrections Canada gives staff lip service to our concerns. Well if they want to talk the talk then they better start walking the walk.

By the way, it should be noted that it is a policy not to inform prison guards and staff about—

Penitentiaries October 23rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I can see in the second row that the lights are on but no one is home.

By not having a secure locking system the solicitor general is leaving the door open for trouble, for assaults and for riots at Kingston.

This week the emergency response team was called on four times because surprise, surprise, the inmates refused to lock themselves in. What will the solicitor general do to change this preposterous system?

Penitentiaries October 23rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, here is another example of what guards face every day. Despite spending $50 million to retrofit Kingston Penitentiary, Correctional Service Canada has put guards at further risk by implementing a locking system which effectively gives inmates the keys to their own cells.

In Bowden, Alberta, inmates are given and do hold the keys to their own cells. Is this a mistake or does the solicitor general honestly believe that inmates in a penitentiary can be trusted to lock themselves in?