House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was industry.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as Conservative MP for Edmonton—Leduc (Alberta)

Won his last election, in 2011, with 64% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Science And Technology May 10th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, Canadians are world leaders in materials research, astronomy and astrophysics.

The decisions on two large scale scientific projects, the long range plan for astronomy and astrophysics, and the Canadian neutron facility, are long overdue from the government. Delaying these decisions further endangers Canada's leadership role and will cause top quality researchers to look elsewhere for opportunities.

Will the secretary of state for science and technology demonstrate leadership and introduce a general fiscal framework for large scale science and technology projects?

Canada Business Corporations Act May 10th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I love it when the House gives unanimous consent. It gives me a warm feeling inside. I rise today to speak on Bill S-11, an act to amend the Canada Business Corporations Act and the Canada Cooperatives Act. This is the first time since 1975 that the Canada Business Corporations Act, otherwise known as CBCA, has been amended. Many of these changes are long overdue.

Bill S-11 also contains amendments to the Canada Cooperatives Act. It continues the reform process that recently led to a new statute governing co-operatives, which came into force on December 31, 1999.

At that time, however, some issues required further consultation and are now addressed in Bill S-11. For the most part the changes to the CCA closely follow the amendments to the CBCA and harmonize the rules governing co-operatives with key elements of corporate law.

The CBCA is the main federal law governing corporations in Canada, including large, medium and small enterprises. This act sets out the legal and regulatory framework for more than 155,000 federally incorporated businesses. In Canada corporations have the option of incorporating at the federal or the provincial level. Almost half of the largest companies in Canada are incorporated under the CBCA.

The previous act to amend the CBCA was tabled in the Senate during the last session of parliament and was known as Bill S-19. The bill was before the Senate committee on banking, trade and commerce when it died on the order paper due to the federal election. Nonetheless, the members of the Senate committee heard from 35 witnesses between April and the end of June 2000 and they should be commended for their work.

Bill S-11 is substantially the same as Bill S-19 but incorporates recommendations suggested by stakeholders such as the Canadian Bar Association, the coalition for CBCA reform, the Canadian Co-operative Association and the task force of the churches on corporate responsibility.

The amendments seek to modernize the Canada Business Corporations Act in four areas by: first, recognizing the global nature of the marketplace; second, clarifying the responsibility of corporate directors and officers; third, reducing federal-provincial duplication; and fourth, expanding shareholder rights.

It is an immense understatement to say that business has changed fundamentally since the mid-1970s and it is high time that the Canada Business Corporations Act reflected the transformation to the global economy. We support these changes in principle.

The CBCA currently requires that a majority of directors on a federally incorporated board and on each committee be resident Canadians. Canada is the only G-7 country that imposes such antiquated residency requirements on its businesses.

Bill S-11 would reduce the residency requirement to 25% for boards and entirely eliminate the requirement for board committees. This change is long overdue and should help Canadian companies compete as global players. However, I must say it is characteristic of the Liberal government that sacred cow sectors such as book publishing, telecommunications, transportation and Petro-Canada would be exempt from this reduction. We question the rationale as to why these businesses are not permitted to enjoy the flexibility to appoint directors based on their qualifications and not on where they live.

Another welcome change is the amendment that would allow foreign subsidiaries of Canadian corporations to acquire shares in their parent corporations under limited and clearly defined circumstances. This is mainly for the purpose of acquiring or merging with foreign corporations. These amendments will allow Canadian federally incorporated companies to compete with foreign multinationals while expanding globally.

With an eye to allowing directors to take appropriate risks in their decision making, Bill S-11 would replace the good faith reliance defence for directors with a due diligence one and would allow corporations to pay for defence investigation costs.

To clarify responsibilities of corporate officers and directors, Bill S-11 replaces the current joint and several liability regime with one of modified proportionate liability. This change would mean that every defendant found responsible for a financial loss stemming from an error, omission or misstatement in financial information would be liable only for the portion of the damages that corresponds with his or her degree of responsibility. However, joint and several liability would continue to apply in cases of fraud and to designated categories of plaintiffs such as the crown, charitable organizations, unsecured creditors and small investors.

Bill S-11 also clarifies that when the directors' powers are transferred to shareholders under a unanimous shareholders' agreement, the associated liability and defences are also transferred to shareholders. New shareholders who are not informed that a unanimous shareholders' agreement was in place at the time of their acquisition would be allowed to cancel the transaction.

Bill S-11 seeks to end costly time consuming administrative and legal burdens on federally incorporated businesses by limiting conflicts between federal and provincial statutes and regulations. Amendments would also modernize the wording of the legislation to bring the CBCA up to date with technological and other developments.

With respect to insider trading, Bill S-11 would repeal the federal duplication of provincial insider filing requirements, impose civil liability on persons who disclose insider information, even if those persons did not participate in the transaction, and increase the maximum fine from the current $5,000 to $1 million.

Bill S-11 would repeal the CBCA provisions for takeover bids and would allow the comprehensive codes for the takeover bid regulations under provincial securities laws to prevail.

The provisions restricting financial assistance to directors, officers, employees and shareholders would be eliminated because they have proven to be difficult to apply in practice. Since directors approving financial assistance transactions are already required to act in the best interests of the corporation, they can be sued for failing to do so. This is safeguard enough.

Bill S-11 would allow for greater participation by small shareholders in corporate decision making. It would do so by relaxing the rules under which shareholders communicate among themselves and allowing proxy solicitation to be done through public broadcast or newspaper advertisement instead of by direct mailings. The amendments would encourage corporations to employ new technologies such as e-mail when communicating with shareholders and when conducting shareholder meetings.

The legislation would also liberalize mechanisms for individual shareholders to submit proposals as well as set minimum share ownership and length of ownership thresholds required to submit a proposal. The bill also aims to restrain management's ability to block or refuse proposals from being considered.

Bill S-11 reflects the transformation of business since 1975 with respect to the global marketplace, the electronic revolution and the rise of shareholder rights, as well as the necessity of reducing federal-provincial regulatory redundancies.

The Canadian Alliance therefore supports in principle this legislation. However we will be consulting with interested parties to ensure that the changes in the bill are indeed beneficial to Canadian business.

Canada Business Corporations Act May 10th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, at the beginning of my speech, I ask the House for unanimous consent to split my time with the hon. member for Esquimalt—Juan de Fuca.

Natural Resources May 2nd, 2001

Mr. Speaker, each day this decision is delayed endangers our position as world leaders in materials research and drives away the top scientists who are capable of doing this research.

Years ago the Minister of Industry championed the tiny turbot. This facility is a lot bigger and a lot more important than a fish. Will he commit today to championing this facility and getting cabinet approval by next week?

Natural Resources May 2nd, 2001

Mr. Speaker, funding the Canadian neutron facility will not happen without a champion at the cabinet table. Clearly the Minister of Natural Resources is not up to the task.

Will the Minister of Industry commit today in his role as overseer of the National Research Council to champion the Canadian neutron facility?

Modernization Of The Standing Orders Of The House Of Commons May 1st, 2001

Madam Chairman, I was an assistant here with Ian McClelland before I became a member of parliament. In terms of the relationship between private members' business and government bills, one of the researchers for the Library of Parliament told me that before 1911 most of the bills that were passed were private members' bills but that since that time there has been an increasing tendency to spend most of our time in the House on government bills.

The researcher felt that the system actually worked better when more time was devoted to private members' bills. As the hon. member for Elk Island pointed out, we tend to be closer to the ridings than the government bureaucracies are. Perhaps it has shifted too much in favour of government bills and there should be more time allotted during orders of the day for private members' bills. Would the hon. government House leader comment on that?

Shipbuilding Industry April 5th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, that is quite a role reversal.

During his last provincial election campaign in Newfoundland, the industry minister told shipyard workers that if his government did not make the shipbuilding industry self-sustaining, then they could tie metal plates to his ankles and throw him over the wharf. That was five years ago. Now he is the federal industry minister and he still has no plan.

When will the minister either produce a plan or return to the wharf?

Shipbuilding Industry April 5th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, today the Minister of Industry responded to a report on the future of the shipbuilding industry in Canada and ruled out future subsidization of this industry.

Since the minister has firmly committed to not subsidizing the shipbuilding industry, would he explain why the federal government has not fought the American, NAFTA-exempt, Jones act to allow Canadian shipbuilding companies to expand into the United States?

Privilege March 29th, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I rise today on a question of privilege with regard to a committee matter that is so unique and extraordinary that I must bring it directly to the attention of the House.

My question of privilege charges the chair of the Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology with contempt. This morning at the standing committee's meeting, the chair abused her authority by ruling out of order a motion concerning her decisions as chair of the committee. Such motions are in order.

Referring to Marleau and Montpetit, on page 858 it states:

Disorder and misconduct in a committee may arise as a result of the failure to abide by the rules and practices of a committee...If a committee desires that some action be taken...it must report the situation to the House. The House may make a decision on disorder upon receiving such a report.

That is exactly what I was attempting to do. How can the committee comply with the practices of the House if the chair rules such motions out of order? What I find most objectionable is the fact that the motion was concerning the actions of the chair.

The motion was to report to the House the matter of the chair's rulings regarding numerous motions concerning the ethics counsellor to the House. Her refusal to allow a motion to report her own actions to the House is a conflict of interest and impedes the committee from being master of its own proceedings.

I would gladly ask the committee to report this conflict of interest to the House, but the chair, based on her decision today, does not entertain motions concerning her decisions. As you can see, Mr. Speaker, my only recourse is to bring the matter to the House directly.

The House is entitled to all reports and has a duty to deal with contempts or misconducts that occur in committee. Since that is not possible, since the chair has impeded the committee's ability to decide to report the matter to the House, I must submit the chair's actions directly to the House. The chair's rulings regarding certain motions were biased and inconsistent with the practices of the House.

The final motion she disallowed was a motion to report her rulings to the House. That goes to the very heart of the question of privilege. The member cannot procedurally or legitimately disallow a motion that might jeopardize her position as chair. She cannot silence criticism against her authority and refuse to implement the wishes of those who elected her.

On page 119 of Erskine May there is a reference regarding a select committee that was appointed in 1977 to inquire into the conduct and activities of members and to consider whether any such conduct or activities amounted to a contempt of the House and whether any such activities were “conduct inconsistent with the standards the House was entitled to expect from its members”.

I consider the chair's decisions at the Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology to be conduct inconsistent with the standards that the House and the public expect from a member.

There is a great deal at stake here. We cannot let the matter go unresolved. The hon. member for Essex must be found in contempt by the House. While my rights as a member of the standing committee are immediately at stake, ultimately the threat is to the democratic rights and freedoms of all members of the House.

The member is contributing to the inability of the House to resolve the matter of the appearance of a conflict of interest regarding the Prime Minister's involvement with the Grand-Mère Golf Club and Grand-Mère Inn.

Her role as chair is not to protect the Prime Minister but to protect the rights of all members of the committee and to uphold the rules and practices of the House. In that regard she has failed, and she has no right to impede my efforts to report those decisions to the House.

Modernization Of House Of Commons Procedure March 21st, 2001

Mr. Speaker, I appreciated the member opposite's speech. I thought it was very well done.

In terms of the certain issue of private members' bill, as a member I fully concur that private members' bills should all be votable. It simply does not make sense to have two-thirds of the private members' bills that come up for debate for an hour not votable and then they are off the order paper. That does not make sense. I fully support the member in that.

I would also agree with him that it makes members more responsible. If they introduce a private members' bill that does not make sense, they will be the ones who are held accountable.

I would like to ask the member two questions. First, should the House extend the hours for debate of private members' bills? If we look at the parliament of Canada, for about the first 50 years we had more time devoted toward private members' business. Since about 1911 we have tended to move toward more government business.

The second question is a genuine question for the member opposite. In my short time here I have observed him and take him to be an intelligent and independent member of the House. The fact is we are hampered by a concentration of power in the Prime Minister's office and the Privy Council Office. That hurts those intelligent and independent members like himself.

There was a conference last year in Edmonton that was co-sponsored by the previous member for Edmonton Southwest and the member for Pictou—Antigonish—Guysborough. A member there said that all that we needed was for the opposition parties to join with a few backbench government members to say to the executive that they were not going to tolerate the control they had over parliament. He called it a backbenchers' bill of rights.

Would it be possible for the backbench government members to join opposition members and take back the rights from the executive that all parliamentarians should have, and should we do it right now?