An Act to amend the Access to Information Act and the Privacy Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts

This bill was last introduced in the 42nd Parliament, 1st Session, which ended in September 2019.

Sponsor

Scott Brison  Liberal

Status

This bill has received Royal Assent and is now law.

Summary

This is from the published bill. The Library of Parliament often publishes better independent summaries.

This enactment amends the Access to Information Act to, among other things,
(a) authorize the head of a government institution, with the approval of the Information Commissioner, to decline to act on a request for access to a record for various reasons;
(b) authorize the Information Commissioner to refuse to investigate or cease to investigate a complaint that is, in the Commissioner’s opinion, trivial, frivolous or vexatious or made in bad faith;
(c) clarify the powers of the Information Commissioner and the Privacy Commissioner to examine documents containing information that is subject to solicitor-client privilege or the professional secrecy of advocates and notaries or to litigation privilege in the course of their investigations and clarify that the disclosure by the head of a government institution to either of those Commissioners of such documents does not constitute a waiver of those privileges or that professional secrecy;
(d) authorize the Information Commissioner to make orders for the release of records or with respect to other matters relating to requesting or obtaining records and to publish any reports that he or she makes, including those that contain any orders he or she makes, and give parties the right to apply to the Federal Court for a review of the matter;
(e) create a new Part providing for the proactive publication of information or materials related to the Senate, the House of Commons, parliamentary entities, ministers’ offices, government institutions and institutions that support superior courts;
(f) require the designated Minister to undertake a review of the Act within one year after the day on which this enactment receives royal assent and every five years afterward;
(g) authorize government institutions to provide to other government institutions services related to requests for access to records; and
(h) expand the Governor in Council’s power to amend Schedule I to the Act and to retroactively validate amendments to that schedule.
It amends the Privacy Act to, among other things,
(a) create a new exception to the definition of “personal information” with respect to certain information regarding an individual who is a ministerial adviser or a member of a ministerial staff;
(b) authorize government institutions to provide to other government institutions services related to requests for personal information; and
(c) expand the Governor in Council’s power to amend the schedule to the Act and to retroactively validate amendments to that schedule.
It also makes consequential amendments to the Canada Evidence Act and the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act.

Elsewhere

All sorts of information on this bill is available at LEGISinfo, an excellent resource from the Library of Parliament. You can also read the full text of the bill.

Votes

June 18, 2019 Passed Motion respecting Senate amendments to Bill C-58, An Act to amend the Access to Information Act and the Privacy Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts
Dec. 6, 2017 Passed 3rd reading and adoption of Bill C-58, An Act to amend the Access to Information Act and the Privacy Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts
Dec. 5, 2017 Passed Time allocation for Bill C-58, An Act to amend the Access to Information Act and the Privacy Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts
Nov. 27, 2017 Passed Concurrence at report stage of Bill C-58, An Act to amend the Access to Information Act and the Privacy Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts
Sept. 27, 2017 Passed 2nd reading of Bill C-58, An Act to amend the Access to Information Act and the Privacy Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts

December 7th, 2022 / 6:05 p.m.
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Liberal

Ya'ara Saks Liberal York Centre, ON

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Through you, I'd like to direct my attention to Mr. Tromp, if I may.

Mr. Tromp, I had an opportunity to skim through some of your book, and I'd like to note your comments about how the Harper government in 2006 had pledged to “provide a general public interest override for all exemptions”. It did not fulfill that promise. In a subsequent paragraph, you talk about the contemplation by the Conservative Party to look at ATI exemptions and put them to a “harms test", which also wasn't fulfilled.

You then go on, in chapter 8 of your book, to state that the Liberal Party kept its 2015 pledge to grant the Information Commissioner the power to order the release of government information under Bill C-58.

We see that in the Harper years, the media actually complained that they really didn't have a lot of contact with the Harper government in disclosures and discussions, and in 2015, the government came in with a promise to move forward in an open and transparent way, and you cite Bill C-58.

Where are we in the consideration of exemptions now? Have we moved ahead? We've heard the comments from Mr. Beeby about proactive disclosure and where it's not meeting this mark.

I'd like to have your thoughts on that, if I may.

December 7th, 2022 / 6 p.m.
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As an Individual

Dean Beeby

The problem with proactive disclosure—as it sits in the law and Bill C-58, which changed the access act—is that it defines a very small number of documents, so-called ministerial documents, that are going to be released on the government's timetable, with no watchdog.

To me, proactive disclosure is a red herring. It's a way to divert our attention from fixing the main problem, which is the Access to Information Act's dysfunctionality.

On the issue of the immigration files, there's a big privacy issue, and I don't think proactive disclosure in that sense is possible. It has to be a client-to-client kind of disclosure.

I don't accept proactive disclosure as some kind of panacea for the system. It's not. It diverts our energies and attention from the big problem, which is a dysfunctional act.

December 7th, 2022 / 5:45 p.m.
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As an Individual

Andrea Conte

In the short term, when we consider degrees of policy shift that are possible, the only remedy is through the courts. Whether it's through financial penalties that are leveraged on government officials and departments, whether it's through other kinds of means, there are currently no consequences if people do not comply.

For example, even with Bill C-58's order powers through the commissioner, there are government departments that are not complying with orders. There are government departments that are taking the commissioner to court over orders that the commissioner has issued. Why? Because—

November 28th, 2022 / 5:30 p.m.
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Director, Arthur Kroeger College of Public Affairs and Associate Dean, Faculty of Public Affairs, Carleton University, As an Individual

Prof. Mary Francoli

Open government is really founded on the ideas of accountability, access to information and civic engagement. I would say that those are the three big things that underpin open government.

I think we have a lot of civic citizen participation opportunities. Things are changing, and I think there's been an effort to improve the way that citizens are engaged.

I think access to information is still the big one. In the first couple of action plans to the Open Government Partnership, there were more commitments made around access to information, but I think it's just such a difficult one to move forward. I think this alludes to some of the disappointment I mentioned earlier around Bill C-58. As well, it's hard for public servants to move forward and to get buy-in on change related to access to information. They kind of stopped being included in different commitments on access to information within the action plan.

For me anyway, access to information itself is the big principle of open government that we need to improve here in Canada.

November 28th, 2022 / 5 p.m.
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Director, Arthur Kroeger College of Public Affairs and Associate Dean, Faculty of Public Affairs, Carleton University, As an Individual

Prof. Mary Francoli

I wouldn't say there is anything fundamentally negative, but I think it was a disappointment to people who are really heavily involved and invested in the access to information regime. So much is happening and there have just been so many studies that say the same thing. Again, it's not that there's a sort of unanimous solution, but there is a lot of commonality.

I think you are seeing it here already with the few witnesses you've had. It's kind of reaching saturation, in a way. There are a lot of the same things being said. Bill C-58 just didn't revolutionize the system in a way that a lot of people were really hoping it would.

It's not bad, just a bit of a letdown.

November 28th, 2022 / 4:55 p.m.
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Liberal

Ya'ara Saks Liberal York Centre, ON

Through you, Mr. Chair, I want to thank Mr. White.

As someone who is a very strong advocate of mental health from a trauma-informed lens, I agree with you wholeheartedly that we need more of that in a whole-of-government approach in many of the things we do.

If you don't mind, I am going to switch to our other witness now, Ms. Francoli.

Thank you for joining us today and for the work that you do on open government and transparency.

In April 2017, you were part of an open letter to the Prime Minister, with many of your colleagues and organizations across the country, indicating that you wished for real change in access to information.

You commented on past witnesses, so you've been following what we've been doing in this study. Do you agree that some of the changes made in Bill C-58 in 2019 are a step in the right direction?

November 21st, 2022 / 4:35 p.m.
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Liberal

Parm Bains Liberal Steveston—Richmond East, BC

Thank you for that.

Now, with reference to Bill C-58, it allowed proactive disclosure of many pieces of information—tens of thousands, in fact—that previously required access to information requests to obtain. Do you believe that this has helped at all to make government more open and transparent for Canadians?

November 21st, 2022 / 3:50 p.m.
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Liberal

Lisa Hepfner Liberal Hamilton Mountain, ON

Thank you.

The system has changed quite significantly since those days. Since Bill C-58, we've eliminated all fees beyond a five dollar application fee, and there's a system of proactive disclosure for ministers' offices, ports and other government institutions.

Back in the days when I was at The Hamilton Spectator, we would get a summary of how much it would cost to fulfill our requests. Sometimes it was hundreds of thousands of dollars, and we would just drop it.

Would you say that with the changes this government has brought in, the government has become more open and transparent in some ways? Can you reflect on the changes since those days?

November 21st, 2022 / 3:35 p.m.
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Kirk LaPointe Vice-President, Editorial, Glacier Media; Publisher and Editor-in-Chief, Business in Vancouver

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

It's good to see Michael Wernick today.

Thank you so much for the opportunity to discuss access to information reform with you today. I'm Kirk LaPointe. I'm the publisher and editor-in-chief of Business in Vancouver, the business news outlet in British Columbia, and the vice-president of editorial for the Glacier Media chain of news outlets, the largest in western Canada. I also teach ethics and leadership in the journalism program as an adjunct professor at the University of British Columbia. Part of my role is instruction in freedom of information law, and it's also, of course, part of my duties as an editor.

My familiarity with ATIP dates back to my roles in the 1980s and 1990s in Ottawa, as bureau chief of the Canadian Press and a host on CBC News Network, then known as CBC Newsworld. I've advocated strong use of ATIP in news operations that I've run at CP, then at Southam News, the Hamilton Spectator, CTV News and the Vancouver Sun, now at Glacier Media. I personally have filed more than 3,000 requests, and newsrooms I've managed have filed well more than 15,000.

I approach ATIP not as an opportunity to scandalize the government of the day but as an important instrument for the public we serve to understand our history, the decision-making of those who serve us, and the inherent complexities, challenges and dilemmas of public administration. The work I've done has shed light on everything from cabinet discussions on the War Measures Act to value-for-money evaluations across a range of departmental programs to the expenses to operate our official residences and much more.

My lens has been what I subjectively consider the public interest, and my instrument has been a law that I believed would illuminate the operation of government. Until Bill C-58, that belief took several steps backward. Recent reforms to the law have made progress in recapturing some of the original spirit of the law as envisioned by Ged Baldwin, the Conservative MP I knew from my earlier days in the national capital, but there remains a very long road ahead to fulfill his vision.

Too often in its history, users of the law have been made to feel they are being done a favour to exercise their right to know. Delays and denials have stretched credulity. Too many public servants have seen their role as protecting bureaucracy and political masters. Technology now permits the footprint of history to be erased and overwritten. Significant investments in the vast apparatus of their own communications by successive governments, in a form of self-congratulatory vanity press, have far outweighed any investment in ATIP.

I have been assisted in my perspective in the last decade by running for municipal office here in Vancouver in the mayoralty race. It might surprise you that I've gained a fuller appreciation of the perspective of the politician and the public and media environment that correctly gives rise in the era of social media to a defensiveness and a guardedness, to a lack of candour and a lack of acknowledgement of errors in judgment or decisions that went awry. I think I can speak more knowledgeably about where you sit, what conditions you endure and how it might affect what you wish to share with the public. I can understand the fear that comes with any environment of extensive disclosure, because it comes with admitting mistakes. Of course, everyone makes mistakes. That's why there are erasers on pencils. Even the Pope has given up on the claim of infallibility.

I would hope that you would also understand my appeal to the bigger picture, because the defensive culture of communications is a prime contributor to the suspicion and cynicism in our political systems that can give rise to the most vulgar of our social media and to appallingly low voter turnouts and participation in political parties. In denying access to the critical pathology of public policy, to the process of decision-making, media must resort to picking at the bones instead of the meat, which in turn cheapens our craft and our image. A few reforms might address both.

My own modest reform recommendations for advancement of the law arise from many of the basic impediments I've experienced.

First, there has to be an investment in resources to limit the delays in responding to requests. If government professes to subscribe to openness, it should also tell the public how much it spends on its own promotional publicity and communications, and then link that spending to the spending on providing better access to information service.

Proactivity is an important ingredient, but Bill C-58 takes only baby steps. Any reform ought to require proactive disclosure of a range of information in government, including internally conducted departmental audits 30 days after their completion, while the paint is still fresh, to understand, in something approaching real time, whether programs are actually value for money.

A second proactive area would include the simultaneous release of records—studies, correspondence, research, advocacy—that prepared departments and their ministers for policy announcements or the introduction of legislation, with an exemption, of course, for Privy Council confidences. For that matter, all contracted services to government ought to be subjected to the act's purview.

It is time for the blackout period on Queen’s Privy Council records to be at the most 15 years instead of 20, as is the case in my own province of British Columbia—or even 10. The longest political reign in my lifetime—that of Lester Pearson and Pierre Trudeau—barely reached 15 years. Disclosure of minutes and records from their earliest date would rarely touch upon a sitting administration, but the relevance of information withers with time.

My last recommendation for this review would see this committee call out the abuses of the letter and the spirit of the law across the public service: the use of personal email or encrypted apps for government communication, oral briefings instead of written reports and the vesting of copyright with contractors to avoid disclosure, among many other things. Reforming this law can’t extend into these traits, but a recommendation of a review of public service law could curtail these chronic problems.

Thank you so much for your time. I am happy to answer any questions you might have.

November 21st, 2022 / noon
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Kelly Acton Assistant Deputy Minister, Policy and Performance Sector, Treasury Board Secretariat

Good morning.

The Treasury Board Secretariat is the policy centre for access to information and privacy operations across government, providing everything from policy guidance and instituting legislative change, such as the recent changes to Bill C-58, and then on through to community development and support training and that kind of thing.

Access to InformationAdjournment Proceedings

October 26th, 2022 / 7:15 p.m.
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Conservative

Damien Kurek Conservative Battle River—Crowfoot, AB

Madam Speaker, as always, it is an honour to rise in this place. A number of months ago, I had the opportunity to ask a question about access to information in Canada, and it is directly related to a study that is ongoing before the ethics committee. The simple and only way that one can accurately describe the Liberal record on access to information is one of failure, full stop.

A comment was made the other day that bears repeating in this place: Everything under the current Liberal government is broken. I hear daily from constituents about the cost of living that is unmanageable. We have a host of new government programs that are being created almost weekly to fix a problem that the government and the Prime Minister, and their flawed ideology created.

The reality is that Canadians are hurting. It seems everything is broken, whether that be passports, ethics and accountability, or any host of other things that we can point to, including Canada's reputation on the world stage.

It leads me to the inevitable conclusion that the Liberals are good at one thing and that is politics. When it comes to governing, to serving Canadians and to doing what is in the best interests of our country, they have shown time and again that they are terrible at governing. The consequence of that is no more clear than it is in the access to information system. Starting in the 2015 campaign, the now Prime Minister tweeted out that it was time for a government without a new scandal every day. It is unbelievable how many new scandals seem to be piling up on that Prime Minister's plate.

When it comes to the promises the Liberals made about sunshine being the best disinfectant, they have created a culture of secrecy. We heard, more times at the ethics committee today than I would be able to reference in the time permitted here, that there is this culture of secrecy, even when the Liberals claim to have fixed it. They are good at politics, but they have failed on delivering, because they brought in what they said were solutions to all the problems through Bill C-58 in the 42nd Parliament. However, the experts agree that it simply made the situation worse. Again, the Liberals are great at politics, and we hear that each and every day through catchphrases, slogans and an incredible ability to turn the issues of the day into something that is not their fault.

For seven years it has been these Liberals stewarding this country. I suggest, on every metric I can think of, that our country is in a worse spot today than it was seven years ago. What is worse is that they often take credit for the good management that took place prior to that. It is the height of hypocrisy when we see the arrogance with which so many issues are approached and all the ways that our country and Canadians are hurting.

When it comes to the access to information system, the culture of secrecy has to stop because Canadians are losing faith in the institutions of government, which is at the very foundation of what a modern democracy needs to have.

October 26th, 2022 / 5:20 p.m.
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Investigative Researcher and Transparency Advocate, As an Individual

Ken Rubin

It's a statutory provision that was even decimated further by Bill C-58. It's not part of the Constitution Act. Until we get that, we're lost. We will never.... The powers that be—the corporations, the law enforcement agencies, the bureaucrats and the politicians—will not allow this, even though Parliament and MPs right here have problems getting information and should realize that their rights are being screwed around with too.

October 26th, 2022 / 5:05 p.m.
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Co-Founder, Democracy Watch

Duff Conacher

Yes.

Bill C-58 ignored this committee's unanimous June 2016 report. It ignored all the other stakeholders. The information commissioners have documented in their annual reports very clearly that things are worse than they have been in the past.

I challenge you, as committee members, to work together and put forward a private member's bill. Ignore your leaders if they're saying they don't want to do this, because the June 2016 unanimous report didn't work to foster key changes.

I challenge all of you to work together, put out a unanimous report, and then put a private member's bill together. Jointly all support it and challenge the rest of your colleagues to vote against it and vote for excessive government secrecy and denial of the public's right to know.

October 26th, 2022 / 5:05 p.m.
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Liberal

Lisa Hepfner Liberal Hamilton Mountain, ON

Thank you.

Mr. Cutler, do you see anything more open and transparent in government since we've had Bill C-58?

October 26th, 2022 / 5:05 p.m.
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Liberal

Lisa Hepfner Liberal Hamilton Mountain, ON

Thank you, Chair.

Thank you to our witnesses for being here today.

I'd like to go back to Bill C-58, which allowed proactive disclosure of lots of information from this government. I'm wondering—I guess from all three of you—if you think this helped to make government more open and transparent in any way.

Mr. Rubin, you can start.