Evidence of meeting #27 for Electoral Reform in the 42nd Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was women.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

Justin Di Ciano  City Councillor, Ward 5 Etobicoke-Lakeshore, City of Toronto
Greg Essensa  Chief Electoral Officer, Elections Ontario
Laura Stephenson  As an Individual
Diane Bergeron  Executive Director, Strategic Relations and Engagement, Canadian National Institute for the Blind
Donna Dasco  Fellow, School of Public Policy and Governance, University of Toronto
Wilfred Day  As an Individual
Mark Henschel  As an Individual
Patricia McGrail  As an Individual
Scott Allardyce  As an Individual
Gary Shaul  As an Individual
Sheila Lacroix  Canadian Federation of University Women
Norman Smith  As an Individual
Michael Bednarski  As an Individual
Naureen Fatima Rizvi  As an Individual
Michael Ufford  As an Individual
Bonnie Louise North  As an Individual
Karen Thriepland  Coordinator, Logistics Services, House of Commons
Chaitanya Kalevar  As an Individual
June MacDonald  As an Individual
Joyce Rowlands  As an Individual
Edelgard Mahant  As an Individual
Linda Sheppard  As an Individual
Meredith MacFarquhar  As an Individual
Jason Flower  As an Individual
Sharon Howarth  As an Individual
Zach Aysan  As an Individual
John F. Deverell  As an Individual
Ben Trister  As an Individual
Erin Harrison  As an Individual
Mojdeh Cox  As an Individual
Mark Brown  As an Individual
Megan Whitfield  As an Individual
Brynne Sinclare-Waters  As an Individual
Lorena Spooner  As an Individual
Boyd Reimer  As an Individual
Sam Gnanasabesan  As an Individual
Mark Thompson  As an Individual
Christine Elwell  As an Individual
Jane Garthson  As an Individual
Elizabeth Vandermeer  As an Individual
Andrew Stewart  As an Individual
Jeffrey Edmonds  As an Individual
Rhys Goldstein  As an Individual
Michael Schreiner  As an Individual
David Arthur  As an Individual
Sharon Sommervale  As an Individual
David Meslin  As an Individual
Gregg Hill  As an Individual
Anna Lermer  As an Individual
Philip Pothen  As an Individual
Linda Fraser  As an Individual
Judy Pelham  As an Individual
Jeffrey Tighe  As an Individual
Martin Smith  As an Individual
Grant Orchard  As an Individual
Michael Paskewitz  As an Individual
Darcy McLenaghen  As an Individual
John Rae  As an Individual
Benjamin Dichter  As an Individual
Dustin Su  As an Individual
Christopher Tolley  As an Individual
David Hwang  As an Individual
Ben Ross  As an Individual
Tom Cullen  As an Individual
Jeff Braunstein  As an Individual
Christopher Durrant  As an Individual
Adam Deutsch  As an Individual
Sam Frydman  As an Individual
Ettore Fiorani  As an Individual
Miriam Anderson  As an Individual
Dimitre Popov  As an Individual
Aly Pabani  As an Individual
Tamara Bassilios  As an Individual
Kristen Dahl  As an Individual
Kenneth Robertson  As an Individual
Ryan Germann  As an Individual
Raymond Li  As an Individual
Michael Klimuntowski  As an Individual
Andrei Neacsu  As an Individual
Kenneth McCracken  As an Individual
Trevor Ball  As an Individual
Kinsey Schurm  As an Individual

2:15 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Francis Scarpaleggia

Welcome to everyone. Welcome to our witnesses, and to members of the public who are here this afternoon.

This is the third day of our three-week cross-country tour that will take us to 10 provinces and three territories. We started in Regina on Monday, we were in Winnipeg yesterday, and today we're in the great city of Toronto.

Your comments will be recorded and transcribed, just as we do when we're in Ottawa. We have two witnesses, and each witness will have 10 minutes to present. This will be followed by one round of questioning. We've been doing one round on the road, where each member is afforded five minutes to engage with the witnesses. That five minutes includes questions and answers. Please don't be offended if your time is cut off when you haven't necessarily completed your answer. It's just the way it has to be in order for things to run smoothly.

The same goes for those who come to the mike during the open-mike sessions. We're allotting two minutes per intervenor. Some of you may say that two minutes isn't really enough, but it worked very well yesterday in Winnipeg, and it worked well in Regina. It's just a question of communicating directly your thoughts and feelings on the issue, and I can guarantee you that everything will work out well.

Unfortunately, there was a bit of a mixup at the airport and Mr. Reid is on his way. He's on another flight, but through no fault of his own. He'll be here very shortly, and of course, his expertise on the subject is very important to us.

Today, we have Mr. Justin Di Ciano, city councillor, Ward 5, Etobicoke-Lakeshore; and Mr. Greg Essensa, chief electoral officer for Ontario. Each of you has 10 minutes, and then we'll have a round of questions.

We'll start with Mr. Di Ciano.

September 21st, 2016 / 2:15 p.m.

Justin Di Ciano City Councillor, Ward 5 Etobicoke-Lakeshore, City of Toronto

Thank you, and good afternoon, Chair, and committee members. Thank you for the invitation to address you today on any potential changes to Canada's electoral system.

The choice of electoral systems is one of the most important decisions any democracy can make. The long-term purpose of any electoral system is to develop institutions that are strong enough to promote stable governments, and flexible enough to react to changing circumstances.

According to the OECD's better life index, Canada is the envy of the world for our quality of life; our prosperity; diversity; health status; environmental quality; education and skill levels; civic engagement; and most importantly, our strong, stable governments.

For many Canadians, including me, the question is, why? What issues or problems are we trying to address with electoral reform? What imbalances currently exist in our electoral process that require such a change? Most importantly, what long-term consequences will result from our short-term political and partisan interests?

With recent polls showing that barely 3% of Canadians are engaged in this topic, the question I ask this committee is, are we searching for a solution to a problem that does not exist? As a politician in Canada's largest and most diverse city, I can assure you more than 3% of Canadians would be engaged if we were discussing a clear plan to strengthen the middle class, and build an economy that protects and creates better-paying jobs.

If we want to engage Canadians on issues, then our governments need to engage Canadians on the issues that need fixing. Our voting system works well. It provides representation from a geographical, descriptive, and ideological perspective. It produces stable and efficient governments capable of enacting timely legislation. It is simple to understand, ensuring every voice is heard, every ballot is counted, and a citizen's right to vote continues to be fully exercised.

The potential alternatives being proposed fall into two broad categories: proportional representation and ranked choice voting, or hybrids of both.

Proportional representation is purpose-built for instability. Say goodbye to stable, majority governments that think and govern long-term, and in the best interests of Canadians. Say hello to coalition governments, similar to Italian, Israeli, and Australian-style parliaments with constant protests, upheaval, and elections where single-issue parties, religious fundamentalists, anti-immigrant, and personal vanity parties must be courted to create coalition governments.

Did I mention constant elections? Italy has had over 30 prime ministers in 40 years. Australia has had three prime ministers in four years. Yesterday, Prime Minister Trudeau spoke at the UN about the dangers of politicians exploiting people's anxiety. Proportional representation systems regularly provide single-issue or extreme parties a disproportionate influence over who forms government, and under what conditions. When you have a problem, who do you call? You won't have a constituency MP because legislators are picked by parties on lists. Say goodbye to local representation.

Is Canada really better off replacing an electoral system that produces stable governments capable of governing long-term in exchange for short-term coalition governments whose fringe parties hold the balance of power?

Alternatively, ranked choice voting has been shown to suffer from a number of democratic shortcomings that cannot be overcome. Data from jurisdictions that have changed to ranked choice voting clearly shows that it produces drastic increases in voter error by disadvantaged, ethnic, elderly, and non English-speaking voters. It is costly to administer, and requires massive education campaigns, not just once but before each and every election. It requires high-tech voting machines that use complex algorithms that make scrutiny and confidence in the system questionable. Say goodbye to hand counting ballots in exchange for a black box that spits out election results.

Empirical data shows that ranked choice voting continues to have a negative effect on voter turnout. A further review of ranked choice voting election results in the United States over the past 15 years shows no evidence to suggest that ranked choice voting helps elect more women or minorities to public office. There is also no concrete data that supports the argument that ranked choice voting reduces strategic voting and negative campaigning.

A quick Google search into any RCV race in the U.S. will show results in multiple media articles that demonstrate strategic voting and negative campaigning are alive and well in ranked choice elections.

Most importantly, contrary to media statements and coverage, ranked choice voting does not produce a majority result. Ranked choice voting is a plurality system just like first past the post. The U.S. ninth district federal court of appeals has gone as far as ruling that ranked choice voting is not a majority system and in fact remains a plurality system.

Under our current first past the post system, every ballot is counted, every voice is heard. Under ranked choice voting, only continuing ballots are counted. This means that in an election with multiple candidates, if you did not choose to rank the candidates who continue to the final runoff, your vote is eliminated; or if you made a ranking error somewhere along the line, your vote is eliminated. It is put into the trash can. Your vote is not counted anywhere. This is called an exhausted ballot. The ultimate winner does not get 50% of the original votes cast; they get 50% of the continuing ballots. That is not a majority.

Let me be clear. I am a lifelong Liberal. When the Prime Minister committed to electoral change, I was intrigued. I was for ranked ballots before I was against it; however, when I analyzed the data in jurisdictions where they have tried alternative voting systems, I realized there were serious flaws and drawbacks. After extensive time studying this issue, I have concluded that no system is perfect, but that Canada's first past the post system has served Canadians well.

I believe that any potential changes to our electoral system must build on the success of our electoral process of the past 100 years by continuing to ensure voting is kept simple and most importantly, a citizen's right to vote continues to be fully exercised.

Thank you.

2:15 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Francis Scarpaleggia

Thank you very much, Mr. Di Ciano.

Mr. Essensa for 10 minutes.

2:15 p.m.

Greg Essensa Chief Electoral Officer, Elections Ontario

Thank you for inviting me to appear today. I am pleased to provide whatever advice I can on the important questions before this committee, and I'd like to offer you my thoughts on four topics: one, citizen expectations; two, the governing principle; three, modernizing elections; and four, public consultation.

The first thing I will advise you is this, Ontarians are facing across-the-board changes in the electoral process. Municipalities may now choose to elect their mayors and councils using a ranked ballot system, provincial contribution and spending reform is being debated, and changes to the administration of elections are promised to follow. Federally, this committee is mandated to consider the adoption of a new voting process and other innovations.

I believe that all Canadians expect that there will congruence in their election laws when it makes sense. However, I also know from speaking with my colleagues across Canada that citizens look to their electoral agencies and to their legislators to learn from, build on, and improve on what they see in other jurisdictions. While change may sometimes be daunting, the interest in these issues speaks to the vibrancy of our democratic institutions.

Earlier this year I appeared before a committee of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario. I spoke of Ontario being at a watershed moment. I noted that provincial legislators have an opportunity to strengthen the integrity and legitimacy of the electoral process. Canada is at a watershed moment, too, and this committee has the same opportunity. Legislative debate, by necessity, involves the sharp clash of ideas. I believe citizens expect and encourage this from their lawmakers. However, I also believe that citizens want partisan rancour and short-term political self-interest to be set aside when their election laws are written.

Election laws are supposed to put the interests of electors first. This simple proposition upholds the principle of responsible government. As Chief Justice McLachlin noted in a landmark voting rights case, “In a democracy such as ours, the power of lawmakers flows from the voting citizens, and lawmakers act as the citizens’ proxies. This delegation from voters to legislators gives the law its legitimacy or force.”

Our election laws must, above all else, respect and serve the democratic rights of electors.

In serving, the public election agencies must remain non-partisan; thus, I cannot come before this committee to say that Canada must keep or change its voting system. As an election administrator I must remain neutral; however, based on my 32 years of experience administering elections, I can advise this. Electoral reform, be it a change to election finance laws or a voting process, is best accepted by citizens when there is a widespread understanding of and agreement with its principles.

Academics can tell you that there are a variety of voting systems used in Westminster-style democracies. As a chief electoral officer I can tell you that a voting system works best when there is public consensus, and the electoral outcomes are thus legitimate.

The question of whether a nation, a province, or a local community should keep an existing system or adopt a new one is really a question for democratic debate. That debate can be in a legislature, an election, a referendum, or some other process. From my perspective, the most important outcome, whether or not the voting system is changed, is that electors have an electoral process that they know and believe is legitimate. An electoral system will be legitimate if, in putting the needs of the electorate first, it maintains a level playing field. All participants vying for public support or attention during an election should compete on an equal footing.

The concept of the level playing field must be applied in all aspects of elections, both in voting rules and campaign finance rules. Over time our electoral system has grown and changed to adapt to modern challenges. As an election administrator, let me speak of what this means.

We live in an era of innovation and transformation. There was only limited use of the Internet 25 years ago. Now, global connectivity is the norm. The applications and devices we use are replaced at a rapid pace. The ability of electoral agencies to keep pace is rightly questioned. We need to serve voters in modern ways, but must also be mindful of the opportunities and risks of technology. We are all aware that network voting applications and equipment do exist. The challenge is not the lack of technology, but the questions concerning the privacy, security, and reliability of these technologies.

Online access is a reality of everyday life, and so, too, is hacking, and large-scale data breaches. I have no doubt that everyone in this room, through no fault of their own, has experienced the inconvenience of a financial institution cancelling a debit or compromised credit card. It would be exponentially more frustrating to have your vote cancelled or compromised. There is little public appetite for election results to be annulled because of security or data breaches.

As I publicly reported in a 2013 report to the Ontario legislature, election administrators around the world are grappling with this question, and there is no commonly adopted solution.

I believe in change and innovation. I have piloted the use of technology and am requesting further authority to do so on a regular basis. Canadians must prepare for the day when network voting is a reality. That day is coming soon, but has not yet arrived.

Before I conclude my remarks, I would like to speak for a moment about the process of electoral reform. At the outset, I mentioned that there needs to be an opportunity for public debate when considering electoral reform. In Ontario we have seen all manner of debate on election laws over the last decade, and let me talk about three of these experiences from the perspective of my agency.

The first experience dates from 2007. Provincial voters were asked whether or not they wished to adopt proportional representation. This choice was put to them in a referendum, run in conjunction with the general election. That recommendation was formulated by a citizens' assembly comprised of representatives from every electoral district. John Hollins, my predecessor, was mandated to select members of the citizens' assembly, and our agency was then mandated to run a public education campaign on the referendum question during the general election. The referendum outcome was that Ontarians chose to keep their first past the post voting system.

The second experience involved the review of the Ontario election act that resulted in amendments in 2010. In 2008 the Legislative Assembly struck a select committee to examine Ontario's election laws. It commissioned research and held public hearings. Following its report, the government introduced a bill that enacted many administrative improvements and accessibility-focused measures. The process allowed for full public debate, incorporated the majority of my office's recommendations, and improved public satisfaction in the administration of general elections and by-elections since 2010.

The third experience involved recent changes the Ontario government proposed to our province's election finance laws. For many years, I have recommended that an expert commission be appointed to propose necessary changes to our election finance laws. Instead of establishing a commission, I was invited to sit with a legislative committee and asked to provide my advice. I am not aware of another independent officer in Ontario ever having been asked to sit with a legislative committee hearing a bill.

The bill is still working its way through the legislative process, and to date the committee has failed to reach consensus. I hope this changes. I think Ontarians share my hope.

I am sure the way the federal and provincial governments have chosen to embark on electoral reform will be debated by pundits and political scientists in the years to come. As an election administrator, let me share my perspective on two key points, one involves process and the other involves substance.

In terms of process, there are a variety of ways governments can consult citizens about electoral reform. Sometimes that process may require the involvement of an election agency, as it did in Ontario with the citizens' assembly and the referendum. If and when the process does require the involvement of an election agency, legislators need to afford the agency sufficient time and resources to implement those requirements. The process also needs to respect that election agencies can and should have a role in providing public education about elections.

By necessity, however, they must remain strictly non-partisan, especially if the agency is also required to administer a referendum or plebiscite on the issue. I firmly believe that an agency can only supplement a larger partisan debate with basic factual information. It must not be tasked with commenting on the ideological merits of electoral reform. To do so would violate the neutrality that agencies must, by definition, maintain.

Finally, when it comes to making recommendations on the substance of election laws, I can tell you that chief electoral officers across the country think long and hard before doing so. Government and opposition legislators may be focused on the immediacy of an upcoming election; however, electoral administrators take a more inclusive and longer-term view on the broad implications of proposed changes. I think citizens recognize and listen to what their election administrators recommend and the public questions when, without adequate explanation, those recommendations are not reflected in our election laws.

Thank you for inviting me to speak.

Before I conclude, I would like to publicly thank Mr. Marc Mayrand for the leadership and advice that he has provided to my agency and to all agencies across Canada. As Mr. Mayrand has announced he is retiring, I want to let Parliament know the great contribution he has made to this country.

Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.

2:15 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Francis Scarpaleggia

Thank you very much, Mr. Essensa.

I will now go to our round of questions.

Mr. Matt DeCourcey, for five minutes, please.

2:15 p.m.

Liberal

Matt DeCourcey Liberal Fredericton, NB

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

Thank you both, Mr. Essensa and Mr. Di Ciano, and everybody here in Toronto for the warm welcome. It's lovely to be moving back eastward on what will be a quick stop in Fredericton this Saturday before we head up north.

Mr. Essensa, in your comments you talked about citizen expectations within their electoral systems. You mentioned that citizens may expect a congruence of systems. Can you expand on that a little bit?

I suppose there is a value of simplicity in voting that's tied into that. Can you talk to that expectation and your view on that in the context of other presentations that we've had from election officials in Scotland, sharing the experience of voters voting within a variety of different systems for different levels of government?

2:15 p.m.

Chief Electoral Officer, Elections Ontario

Greg Essensa

I will begin by answering that I do believe citizens expect some form of congruence. When electors go out the door to vote, they expect that if they turn left to go to their community centre to vote municipally, that they would turn left to go to the community centre to vote provincially, federally, etc. When they show up at that location, the same requirements for identification, and the same process is involved in the actual voting process.

When that does not happen, it creates confusion for electors. Those who sometimes face barriers to voting especially feel that confusion and sometimes feel intimidated to come to vote when they see different systems that are at play among the three levels of government.

I do believe citizens as a whole would expect congruence when it does make sense.

In my travels throughout the various jurisdictions that I've seen, and I have seen many jurisdictions, including Scotland's, they do offer a wide variety of differing manners in which to exercise one's right to vote. I'm not sure that it provides, though, the fairness or the equality that our system does because in some of those circumstances, it affords some individuals the ability to vote independently, to vote from home, or to vote in some other capacity, where others are thus forced to actually go to a physical voting location.

There is some merit to looking at the advancement of technology. I highly expect that as our elections reform and advance, technology is the next rightful inclusion to the process that will allow for greater access by all who want to exercise their right to vote.

2:15 p.m.

Liberal

Matt DeCourcey Liberal Fredericton, NB

Mr. Di Ciano, two of the values that I picked up in your testimony, which you see as important in the electoral system, are the ease with which the voter is able to cast a ballot, and the value of stability in government. That came through clearly.

In your experience as a representative of a local constituency, can you talk about the aspect of local accountability and the relationship between elector and elected, and what value that should have within electoral systems?

2:15 p.m.

City Councillor, Ward 5 Etobicoke-Lakeshore, City of Toronto

Justin Di Ciano

I think it's everything. In my constituency, when I walk the streets or go to community events, people know me, and that I represent our ward. When they have concerns, they call my office, and my office is able to address those concerns and provide follow-up on those concerns.

I think all of us at this table and in this room have become used to having local representation where we know who represents us in our riding, and that they're able to help us solve our differences.

2:15 p.m.

Liberal

Matt DeCourcey Liberal Fredericton, NB

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

2:15 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Francis Scarpaleggia

Mr. Rayes, for five minutes.

2:15 p.m.

Conservative

Alain Rayes Conservative Richmond—Arthabaska, QC

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

My thanks to the witnesses for being here. I also thank all the people in the audience for being here.

Mr. Di Ciano, you said that changing the voting system may be the most important decision in a democracy. And you, Mr. Essensa, you said that public consensus was essential to changing the voting system in our democracy.

Justin Trudeau was very clear in announcing that he wanted the October 19, 2015, election to be the last under the current system. If the Prime Minister decides to change the voting system, should the public be able to have a say in that, through a referendum, of course?

2:15 p.m.

Chief Electoral Officer, Elections Ontario

Greg Essensa

As I indicated in my remarks, any change to our electoral system, I believe, is only going to be accepted by citizens when it is truly understood and accepted by all citizens. There are various means by which Parliament may wish to engage citizens. I am not advocating for one over another, but I do believe that the legitimacy of our elected representatives and of our democracy only occurs when the process and the manner in which we elect those representatives are well understood and fully accepted by all Canadians.

2:15 p.m.

NDP

Nathan Cullen NDP Skeena—Bulkley Valley, BC

On a point of order, Chair, from speaking with a member of the public I think some of the testimony and questions have been hard for some folks to hear. Maybe just repositioning the microphones for the MPs and the witnesses would help.

2:20 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Francis Scarpaleggia

If people could simply be conscious of where the microphones are, but also if we could turn up the volume, that would help.

There are also headphones, which connect with the microphones. They're not just for translation; you could hear better in either language when using them. I use them in the House of Commons all the time, even though we're sitting next to each other. It's like a shopping mall in there; you can't hear anything.

Go ahead, Mr. Rayes.

2:20 p.m.

Conservative

Alain Rayes Conservative Richmond—Arthabaska, QC

Mr. Chair, would you like us to allow those who want to settle in more time?

2:20 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Francis Scarpaleggia

Does anyone need time to get these headphones? We can give you a couple of minutes.

2:20 p.m.

Conservative

Alain Rayes Conservative Richmond—Arthabaska, QC

Do you want me to start again?

2:20 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Francis Scarpaleggia

Yes, we are starting over.

I'll use the opportunity to get a coffee.

2:20 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Francis Scarpaleggia

For those of you who have these headphones, I should mention that channel one is in English and channel two is in French.

We seem to be ready to start again.

Mr. Rayes, you can ask your question again.

2:20 p.m.

Conservative

Alain Rayes Conservative Richmond—Arthabaska, QC

I will be a little quicker.

Mr. Di Ciano, you pointed out that changing the voting system may be the most important decision in a democracy. Mr. Essensa talked about the importance of reaching public consensus before changing the voting system.

If the Prime Minister and the Liberal government decide to go ahead and change the voting system—as the Prime Minister has announced before—would a referendum be a good way for all Canadians to have their say on the matter? More specifically, would that be a good way to consult everyone and make the change legitimate?

2:20 p.m.

Chief Electoral Officer, Elections Ontario

Greg Essensa

I believe the legitimacy of our democracy depends upon the understanding of all Canadians of how their elected representatives are elected and the process and means under which that happens.

In Ontario, after every election we are mandated by law to do a large survey of Ontarians. In every single election we ask Ontarians, what's your confidence in the integrity of the electoral process in Ontario? Every time, the numbers come back off the charts high—98% or 99%—because they understand the simplicity of our system. They understand the core covenants of our democracy—integrity, transparency, one vote per voter, secrecy of the ballot.

That is well understood in our country, and I think that whatever means Parliament and government choose to change or alter our electoral system, ensuring that there is widespread belief in and understanding of the system and widespread support is paramount.

2:25 p.m.

Conservative

Alain Rayes Conservative Richmond—Arthabaska, QC

What do you think, Mr. Di Ciano?

2:25 p.m.

City Councillor, Ward 5 Etobicoke-Lakeshore, City of Toronto

Justin Di Ciano

Without a doubt I believe that a referendum needs to take place, if the way we elect our representatives is to change. As Mr. Essensa has stated, the process not only needs to be understood but needs to be accepted.

When I hear that 3% of Canadians are listening to our discussion today, even if after the summer and into the fall it becomes 10% or 20% of Canadians, in three years' time 80% of Canadians are going to have to learn a totally new way of voting. The question is going to be why. Why did we change the electoral system? What was wrong, and what are we trying to solve? Those questions haven't been answered.

If we're going to change the system, certainly the time to begin the education process with the majority of Canadians is through a referendum.

2:25 p.m.

Conservative

Alain Rayes Conservative Richmond—Arthabaska, QC

Thank you.

My second question is still for both of you.

During the election campaign, the Prime Minister announced that he wanted to change the voting system. However, before consultation was under way, before the committee was formed, and before a decision was made, the Prime Minister already rejected the status quo as an option. He expressed his personal preference in various interviews and on various occasions.

Do you think it is fair that, in this process that some see as legitimate and others not so much, the status quo is rejected even before the process is under way?