Subcommittee on International Human Rights Committee on Feb. 2nd, 2026

[Ali Ehsassi, Liberal, Willowdale, ON]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Allow me to thank Ms. Boniadi.

You have been such an incredible resource to us all. You're essentially on speed dial for us. Thank you for all of your efforts.

I don't have much time, but I want to put it in context for all the members of this committee and anyone else who is following. As you said, this is a government that is waging war on its own people. The numbers that we're seeing are truly unprecedented. Do you know of any other instance in modern times where a government, a criminal government, has killed as many as we saw killed on the various streets across Iran in the last 40 to 50 years? I just want to sensitize everyone to how horrid this actually is.

Can you think of any precedents?

[Nazanin Boniadi]

I'm sorry; I got cut off.

I'm sorry, Mr. Ehsassi, but I lost your voice for a second.

[Ali Ehsassi, Liberal, Willowdale, ON]

I was just wondering if in the modern era, in the last 40 to 50 years, you can think of any other country that has experienced something on the same scale as the criminal activity of the Iranian regime.

[Nazanin Boniadi]

No, I can't imagine. Of course, in Tiananmen Square, we saw approximately 10,000 slaughtered, and that was horrific. The numbers have surpassed that, by every indication that we're getting. At least 6,000 have been confirmed and over 17,000 are under review. Some investigative reporters and medical doctors inside Iran are saying it's 33,000.

No, I would put this among the greatest, if not the greatest protest massacre since World War II.

[Ali Ehsassi, Liberal, Willowdale, ON]

Thank you.

On looking at your recommendations, I see they are all incredibly concrete. They're very effective. Which one do you think we will have the best chance of making sure that not only Canada, but also the U.S. and our allies would all adhere to? I truly believe it's important that countries act together, and we should make sure that we are not acting in isolation.

Which one do you think we should be pushing the most?

[Nazanin Boniadi]

It's hard to say, because they all are on equal footing. I would say that, since you're a leader on isolating and holding the IRGC to account, it would be something I would encourage you to talk to your British counterparts about, and ensure that they do.

Another thing that I think not enough people are talking about is non-recognition. You also led the way—I believe it was in 2012—when you closed the Iranian embassy in Canada. The next logical step is non-recognition, meaning that the Islamic Republic does not legitimately represent the Iranian people. Now, if we could get global consensus on that, it would be fantastic.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you, Mr. Ehsassi.

Now I invite Mr. Brunelle-Duceppe to take the floor.

Mr. Brunelle‑Duceppe, you have the floor for seven minutes.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Thank you for being with us, Ms. Boniadi. I am extremely pleased about that.

I'm going to continue along the same lines as my colleague Mr. Ehsassi, but more specifically with regard to Iran.

Obviously, you know your history well. You have directly or indirectly witnessed egregious abuses by the mullah regime.

How does the current repression differ from other repressions that have taken place in Iran, such as the atrocities and mass executions committed in 1988?

[Nazanin Boniadi]

Thank you for the question.

Essentially, what happened in 1988 was the targeting of prisoners, so these were people who had already been captured. These were not protesters. What we're seeing today is people protesting in the streets. When I say “prisoners”, those were also dissidents, so it's not fair that they were imprisoned. They were imprisoned for political reasons. That was also abhorrent.

Today, we've seen people taking to the streets, voicing discontent about this regime and being met with war bullets. The difference, of course, is that what we're seeing today is unprecedented. The number one call that galvanizes and unites people on the streets is “Death to Khamenei”—they don't want this regime anymore—and “Freedom! Freedom! Freedom!” That is, really, what's echoing. Everyone is united: There isn't a faction that is not united around these slogans. That's, really, the difference today. Of course, it leaves the regime with no way of dealing with it but their usual repressive tactic, which is to crack down on protesters. What is unprecedented, of course, is the number of protesters who have been killed.

What we're not really looking at are the tens of thousands—and some are saying hundreds of thousands—who have been imprisoned. I'm hearing, from inside Iran, that prisons are so crowded now that people are cramped in spaces, not eating well, not being taken care of and facing imminent execution. That's another wave that can possibly happen in the very near future.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Many international experts believe that the scale, organization and intent of these repressions meet the threshold for crimes against humanity. You shared that with us in your presentation.

For the benefit of the committee, can you give us concrete examples that we can collect and then put out into the public space?

[Nazanin Boniadi]

Of course. Human rights experts and lawyers have already pointed to the fact that this is classified, under the Rome Statute, as an extermination. When this number of people are targeted by the state, that's what it is. It's an extermination. Even if it's the just over 6,000 names of people who have been confirmed killed, that is already a crime against humanity.

However, we're looking at far more than that, and far greater and more serious crimes against humanity than that. With all the evidence—the video evidence that we're seeing and the senior officials in the health ministry who have told us that the numbers are likely to be quite high, definitely in the tens of thousands—there is no other way to address this than as crimes against humanity. That requires every government to come together to find a way forward to stop this from escalating even more.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

You don't have to answer, but to what extent do foreign powers that work hand in hand with the mullah regime currently represent an obstacle to the actions of the various countries that support the Iranian people?

Of course, I'm thinking of China, among other countries, which does a lot of trade with Iran in terms of energy.

How difficult is it to see those powers supporting the mullah regime?

To what extent should those powers also be denounced by the various countries that actually support the Iranian people who are rising up?

[Nazanin Boniadi]

I think there's a very clear alignment with certain authoritarian regimes that protect each other economically and policy-wise. What we fail to do in the free world is to be equally united against that despotism. If we are not able to align ourselves in a way that basically increases the cost of repression, increases the cost of collaboration among those who repress, then we are failing, and what are we protecting? We're not protecting democracy. We're not protecting freedom or peace.

People make the mistake of thinking that.... When you see a crime happening in front of you, do you not go to the perpetrator of that crime and arrest them? Somebody inside Iran said to me, “When I'm witnessing a crime, I call the police. Who are we supposed to call when our state is committing the crime?”

Surely we have to have a multilateral approach in international law that allows for a state to be arrested, so to speak, and we're not doing that. That's for you. It's for people far smarter and more experienced than I am to figure out how that should be done, but the mechanisms need to be in place, and we need to realize them with practical measures.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

What message is being sent to the Iranian people when countries such as Canada acknowledge the seriousness of the crimes, but fail to take concrete diplomatic action?

Those of us who are seated around the table support the Iranian people, and have done so for a long time. Nonetheless, there seems to be some hesitancy on the part of various countries, including Canada. These countries condemn the current situation, but are not taking concrete action. Instead, what we have seen recently, as in the United Kingdom, is that our Prime Minister travelled to China to conclude trade agreements, despite the fact that China supports the mullah regime.

How can that be interpreted?

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Could you provide a quick answer, please? Time is over.

[Nazanin Boniadi]

The quick answer is that we understand that every country has its own best interests at heart, and that is understandable. I think what needs to happen is to understand that as long as this regime stands, it is not in Canada's interest and it is not in the world's interest. Finding a way to curtail the repression and hold this regime to account would essentially translate not only to a more peaceful region domestically but to a more stable world.

It is in your interest and it is in everybody's interest to side with the Iranian people.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

On behalf of myself and all the members of this subcommittee, we would like to thank you for your time here and the good answers in illustrating this. Once again, congratulations for the recognition you received unanimously from the subcommittee. We highly respect the good job you are doing, your good efforts, and we wish you the best.

Thank you.

[Nazanin Boniadi]

I'm deeply grateful. Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

The meeting is suspended.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Welcome back, as we continue our meeting with our second panel.

I would now like to welcome the witnesses.

We have Farough Abeyat, student, to represent most of the minority in Iran.

We have Nazanin Afshin-Jam MacKay, human rights and democracy advocate. Welcome.

We have Atena Daemi, human rights defender, by video conference. Welcome.

From the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, we have Kaveh Shahrooz, lawyer and senior fellow.

From the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights, we have our friend Brandon Silver, director of policy and projects, and Kimberly Lenz, program and policy officer. Welcome.

We would like to start by giving everyone four minutes for an introduction. We'll start with Mr. Abeyat.

You have four minutes. Please go ahead.

[Farough Abeyat, Student, As an Individual]

Chair, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the Ahwazi Democratic Popular Front, we would like to draw your attention to the grave and deteriorating situation facing non-Persian peoples within the geography of what is known as Iran, particularly following the events that took place from December 2025 to January 2026.

These events marked a dangerous escalation in the level of repression and violence carried out by the Iranian authorities. In the aftermath, tens of thousands of civilians were killed in cold blood. These crimes were not isolated incidents, but rather part of a systematic policy aimed at silencing dissent.

As a result, fear and terror have spread widely among non-Persian communities. Citizens now live under constant threat, fear of arrest, fear of enforced disappearance and fear of collective punishment. Homes are raided, families are torn apart and entire communities are intimidated simply because of their national, cultural or linguistic identity.

The Ahwazi Arab people have been among the most severely targeted. Arbitrary and mass arrests have intensified, affecting activists, intellectuals, workers and ordinary civilians alike. Detention without charge, forced confessions and unfair trials have become routine methods used to suppress any form of expression or resistance.

However, repression is not limited to Ahwazi alone. Similar policies are systematically enforced against other non-Persian peoples, including the Kurds, Turkmens, Azerbaijanis and the Baloch. These communities face widespread discrimination, militarization of their regions, economic marginalization and severe restrictions on their cultural and political rights. Their shared suffering reflects a broader pattern of state-sponsored oppression based on identity.

Ahvaz has been under Iranian occupation since 1925. Since that time, the region has been subjected to policies of marginalization, demographic manipulation and cultural erasure. Despite being one of the richest regions in natural resources, its indigenous population remains among the most impoverished. Ahvaz contains vast reserves of oil and gas and serves as a major centre for petrochemical industries. It also possesses fertile agricultural lands, steel and iron industries and numerous mineral resources. These resources contribute significantly to the Iranian economy, yet the people of Ahvaz are denied their fair share. Instead, they suffer from unemployment, environmental destruction, water shortages, land confiscation and suspension of their language and culture. Political participation and basic freedoms are systematically denied.

What we are witnessing today is not merely an internal matter; it constitutes ongoing and serious human rights violations against entire nations living under state domination. The repression of Ahwazi Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, Azerbaijanis, the Baloch and other non-Persian people exposed a deeply rooted systematic discrimination within the political structure of the state.

The Ahwazi Democratic Popular Front calls on the international community to break its silence, to listen to the voices of the oppressed, to conduct independent investigations and to hold those responsible for these crimes accountable. We demand an immediate end to mass arrests, extrajudicial killings and collective punishment. We call for the release of all political prisoners and for the recognition of the legitimate rights of non-Persian peoples, including their right to dignity, justice, equality and self-determination.

The oppressed peoples of Iran are not asking for charity; they are demanding their fundamental human rights—the right to live freely on their land, to benefit from the resources and to preserve their identity without fear.

History has shown that oppression may silence voices temporarily, but it can never break the will of nations. The struggle for freedom, justice and equality will continue until these rights are fully realized.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you. That was good timing.

Now I would like to invite Madame Nazanin Afshin-Jam MacKay.

You have the floor for four minutes. You're welcome to go ahead.

[Nazanin Afshin-Jam MacKay, Human Rights and Democracy Advocate, As an Individual]

During my 23 years as a defender of human rights and democracy, I have witnessed many atrocities committed by this regime, but I have never seen anything comparable to what is happening today in Iran.

I have never seen anything like what is happening in Iran today: parents sifting through warehouses filled with piles of body bags, desperately trying to find their loved ones. A modern-day massacre has taken place, and the killing continues. Suppression forces patrol the streets, arresting those with injuries or finishing them off with a bullet to the head, dumping them in mass graves or injecting prisoners with lethal substances.

After the last round of protests, during “Woman, Life, Freedom”, the UN fact-finding mission on Iran concluded that the regime had committed crimes against humanity, yet the scale of violence we are witnessing now is unprecedented, including the use of military-grade weapons against peaceful protesters.

As former UN prosecutor Payam Akhavan stated just a few days ago at the UN Human Rights Council, at least 33,000 Iranians have been killed. He noted that during the Srebrenica genocide, 8,000 Bosnians were killed and the world responded. In Iran, four times that number were massacred in half the time.

Ms. Boniadi has already perfectly detailed some of this, so with your permission I will move directly to recommendations, because words of condemnation will not save lives.

I'm proud that Canada, over the years, has demonstrated leadership on this issue, first by closing its embassy and second by listing the IRGC on the terrorist list. We can continue to build on that leadership.

Former Canadian minister of justice Lloyd Axworthy helped develop the principle of the responsibility to protect, or R2P. Today, we have the opportunity to put it into action. R2P is often misunderstood as requiring military intervention. In reality, it includes a broad set of tools that Canada is uniquely positioned to lead.

First, Canada should convene a coalition of G7 countries to coordinate action, including urging those that have not yet done so, such as the U.K., to designate the IRGC as a terrorist organization and to recall ambassadors or close embassies of the regime. This coalition could coordinate targeted sanctions that truly cripple the regime. For example, sanction Arvancloud for its complicity in Iran's deliberate Internet blackout, as the U.S. and the U.K. have already done, and seize regime assets and repurpose them to help victims or democracy efforts.

Second, Canada should help Iranians by providing secure Internet access, including satellite and VPN services such as Starlink and tools provided by Psiphon. Psiphon is a Canadian-based company started at the University of Toronto that in a single day provides secure VPN communication to almost 10 million Iranians. Even during blackouts, essential videos and footage were shared thanks to its new innovation called Conduit. The U.S. has been funding this organization for many years, and to meet increased demand, I believe Canada could do its part.

Canada could also provide funding to independent, non-partisan media broadcasting into Iran via satellite to counter regime propaganda and support democratic institution building.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

If you could, please wrap it up.

[Nazanin Afshin-Jam MacKay]

Next, Canada could commit humanitarian aid and medical supplies in advance, to be ready for deployment when the regime falls. This is desperately needed, as Iranian doctors are being targeted. Some have even received death sentences simply for treating the injured.

Canada should activate universal jurisdiction and other legal mechanisms to hold perpetrators of crimes against humanity accountable, with the eventual goal of proceedings before the International Criminal Court. In the meantime, the RCMP could open structural investigations into the situation in Iran instead of just deporting these regime officials.

Lastly, Canada could support a crisis management centre, a hub for Iranian technocratic experts to gather and prepare for post-regime transition.

Words of condemnation will not save lives. In concert with our allies, if the political will is there, you have the power to help end this mass killing. You have the power to ensure a nuclear-free Iran. A free, democratic Iran would mean that not only Iranians would be safe but also Canadians like Irwin Cotler and victims of transnational repression, who require 24-hour police protection, and the world at large would also be safer.

Thank you, and I welcome your questions.