Evidence of meeting #103 for National Defence in the 42nd Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was transnistria.
A recording is available from Parliament.
9:25 a.m.
NDP
Randall Garrison NDP Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke, BC
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair, and welcome to the ambassador.
I want to go back to the OSCE mission, which Mr. Bezan characterized as a monitoring mission. I think that, in fact, it's a negotiating mandate rather than a monitoring mandate. That's my understanding.
9:25 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
I looks like it is indeed very much limited, this monitoring mission.
9:25 a.m.
NDP
Randall Garrison NDP Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke, BC
But the mandate is to facilitate direct talks between Transnistria and Moldova. You mentioned the number of practical agreements you have managed to reach.
There was a statement by the head of the mission, Michael Scanlan, in May. I just want to read short part of it. He said:
Over the past months, Chisinau and Tiraspol have demonstrated a genuine commitment to advance the settlement process. This was evident at all levels of the negotiations starting from the intense series of meetings of the working groups lead by the Chief Negotiators, to the personal engagement of the Moldovan and Transdniestrian leadership.
It's a bit more of a positive statement that progress is being made in these direct talks that would lead eventually to a settlement and remove the opportunity for Russia to exploit that conflict.
9:25 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
Indeed, there is the only official form of negotiations, which is the 5+2 process. Five means Moldova, the Transnistrian regime, Ukraine, OSCE, and as observers we have the European Union and the United States.
Of course, we do not rule out the fact that we have to be engaging more with the Transnistrian authorities in order to build this confidence, which has been eroded so much. Our government has initiated a dialogue with the Transnistria region in order to start, because there are several baskets in the negotiations. The third basket is called the political basket, but we are far from that because the political one means that we have to start negotiating the legal status of Transnistria. We see its legal status as consisting of a large autonomy within the internationally recognized borders of Moldova. But we are far from that basket yet. Still, we consider that two baskets, which refer mainly to the economic and social issues, will serve the purpose of building this mutual trust. This is why we believe that we indeed progressed in adopting these five protocols last year. We are very close to adopting an additional two protocols this year so that our people on both sides of the Dniester River can really see that we are very open and are creating all of the necessary prerequisites for them to feel that they are being supported. They are part of Moldova. They are our population. We cannot ignore them. We cannot ignore their problems, so we indeed try to be as constructive and productive in our direct dialogue. This is true.
9:25 a.m.
NDP
Randall Garrison NDP Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke, BC
Even though Canada is not part of the so-called 5+2 process, do you see—
9:25 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
Within the OSCE, yes.
9:25 a.m.
NDP
Randall Garrison NDP Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke, BC
Yes, except as an OSCE member.
Do you see ways that Canada could help support progress toward an eventual settlement with Transnistria? Are there things that Canada could do to facilitate further agreements?
9:30 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
Canada has been, as I mentioned, very supportive of Moldova's endeavours to solve the problem. It has been since I remember only.... I was posted to Washington in my first diplomatic mission, and I remember Canada's very firm support for Moldova's territorial integrity and independence. The recent example, as I mentioned to you, was the decision to co-sponsor the UN General Assembly resolution on the complete and unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops from the territory. However, I also believe that strengthening Moldova's defence capabilities would be very much appreciated by my government because this is where we clearly see Canada's role.
I know how much Canada is doing in terms of equipping and retraining the Ukrainian military. We very much hope that we could be part of those projects that are being developed in Ukraine by Canada. For example—and I have been pleading for this for quite a long period of time since I came here—if Canada could see Moldova in the common regional context, and if Canada could see Moldova having the very same problems of historical heritage and threats to the country, and if it could treat both countries in a common regional context, perhaps this will help very much.
I will just add one thing. I know that the chair will now raise this white paper, white flag, but I will tell you something. Under the Yanukovych regime, the previous regime in Ukraine, there was very little co-operation between the two countries. Moreover, Ukraine had to play the Moscow card in the transnational conflict, unfortunately. What is happening today is completely different. We have very good co-operation and a very good understanding between the two countries.
What we need now is that, when you have Canada so much committed to help Ukraine, by connecting Moldova to this assistance you're not simply making your country more present in Moldova. You facilitate contacts at various levels in various fields. You can bring together experts so that they can work together. This will be for the benefit of Ukraine, of Moldova, and of the entire region.
9:30 a.m.
Liberal
Sven Spengemann Liberal Mississauga—Lakeshore, ON
Thank you, Chair.
Thank you very much, Ambassador. It's great to be with you. Thank you for your time.
I'd like to see if you have any additional parts along the same line. I don't want to change the tack of questions too much. If you want to say anything else about the regional analysis, I'd be happy to hear any further thoughts that you have.
9:30 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
Thank you, indeed.
We have recently seen some good signals from the Canadian government with regard to understanding, first of all, that the three countries of Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia are facing the same problems and the same threats. There is increasing understanding that these three countries have to be treated commonly.
We hope, indeed, that the Canadian government will draft a common approach with regard to our countries. The signals we receive and my foreign minister's visit a couple of days ago proved that the discussions we had are on a good track.
9:30 a.m.
Liberal
Sven Spengemann Liberal Mississauga—Lakeshore, ON
Thank you very much for that.
I want to stay with the regional lens, but even widen it a bit more and talk about the European Union more broadly. As you know, Canada has a very strong relationship with the European Union, not just in the context of the recently concluded CETA but in many other respects as well.
I want to take you back to a statement from 2013. Formerly, in his role as Russian deputy prime minister, Dmitry Rogozin said that if Moldova made a move towards the EU it could say goodbye to Transnistria. To what extent is that statement still accurate? How do you see the EU playing in the triangle of Canada, EU, and Moldova, perhaps, as an answer to that conundrum?
9:35 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
Rogozin had a very interesting position at the time he made that statement. He was appointed by President Putin as special envoy for Transnistria—no less and no more than that. In parallel, he was chair of the Moldovan-Russian economic cooperation committee. This was needed by him to travel as many as times as possible to Moldova, under the pretext of his capacity as chair of the joint economic committee. But every time he was travelling to Transnistria, he was actually participating in all sorts of activities that were called to celebrate the independence of Transnistria.
Of course, Moldova could not stand that behaviour, especially since he was insulting the dignity of the Moldovan people with all sorts of things. This was one of the mildest, actually. He has been insulting, using rude language with regard to the constitutional authorities of Moldova and the population of Moldova. I won't get into giving you any quotes, but he's been declared as persona non grata today in Moldova. The problems have not stopped here, of course.
9:35 a.m.
Liberal
Sven Spengemann Liberal Mississauga—Lakeshore, ON
On the pathway towards closer affiliation with the EU, how do you see that today?
9:35 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
The role of the European Union is huge. It's not only that we have signed this association agreement with the European Union. We see it as a blueprint for our reforms. Actually, it sets up very clear steps that Moldova has to take in order to comply with the European norms and standards and to at some time become eligible for full integration into the European Union.
We are not naive. We understand that there is clear fatigue in terms of EU enlargement, but the association agreement has given us a national objective towards which we are aiming. As part of the 5+2 negotiation format, the European Union is playing an increased role by providing consultancy and trying to engage Transnistrians in the activities that will bring Transnistria to the understanding that a European future is much better for them than what Russia offers.
If anyone would like me to elaborate a little bit more, I would welcome this question. I would really like to speak about what EU does for Transnistria today. This is very important.
May I, Mr. Chair?
9:35 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
Okay. Good.
First, in signing the association agreement, Moldova did not exclude Transnistria from the provisions of this agreement. Today Transnistria exports over 70% of its goods to the European market and only 12% to the Russian market. This used to be completely different. A few years ago, Russia was the major market for Transnistria. Businesses in Transnistria clearly see the advantage.
Second, for the Transnistrian population, the possibility of travelling freely to the European Union is another deliverable. They see that we have to engage with Europe. We hope that Transnistrian businesses will be the force that puts pressure on their regime not to distance itself from Moldova but rather to seek the common direction.
9:40 a.m.
Liberal
Sven Spengemann Liberal Mississauga—Lakeshore, ON
That's a very important strategic thought for us as we engage with Europe at an economic level.
9:40 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
Yes.
9:40 a.m.
Liberal
9:40 a.m.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Stephen Fuhr
It is your time.
We'll go to five-minute questions now. The first question will go to MP Rioux.
Jean, the floor is yours.
June 14th, 2018 / 9:40 a.m.
Liberal
Jean Rioux Liberal Saint-Jean, QC
I will speak French.
Thank you for your presence here. You are shedding some light on the situation.
The link with Ukraine is very interesting. As you know, Canadian Defence is very present there.
You answered one of my questions concerning the economy. According to what I've been told, 70% of trade takes place with Europe. That change happened quickly. What is the basis for your economy? What are the main products? What is your GDP based on?
People often discuss the Russian presence. If we don't take the military presence into account, what percentage of your population is Russian?
9:40 a.m.
Ala Beleavschi
Traditionally, Moldova has exported to the east. In terms of major products, Moldova has always been regarded as an orchard of the Soviet Union. One of the biggest industries is the agriculture and food industry. In Moldova we grow and produce organic fruit and vegetables. We have beautiful wines because our soils are very fit for the purpose. We grow very good quality grapes.
Besides, we understand that being an agricultural country you are always vulnerable to the climate conditions, especially today when we see these huge climate changes.
Moldova has developed today a very strong IT sector and we provide software for big international companies such as Microsoft. Great Britain imports software from Moldova; it is the biggest buyer of our IT products.
We also develop the industries that produce cables for cars. We provide cables for BMW and Volkswagen. This activity is being developed within the nine free economic zones where we offer very good fiscal incentives for the countries or businesses that wish to operate on Moldovan territory.
Today we have the biggest German companies, such as Dräxlmaier, operating in Moldova, producing these car cables. We have two Japanese companies that created thousands of new jobs that are helping keep the Moldovan population, especially the young population, in Moldova, so they stay rather than leave the country. Unfortunately, almost one million people, out of a population of 4.5 million, have left the country in search of jobs.
What those big international companies are doing is creating jobs, and people stay in Moldova. While the process is still far from being resolved, this is where we see our future, the IT industry production sector, and the agriculture and food industry will stay, of course, because we have the most fertile soils in Europe. In Moldova, it's almost 90% black soil, called chernozem. That is where we see ourselves right now.
By the way, I started telling you that we used to export traditionally to the eastern market. Today, 67% of our exports go to the European Union.
Regarding the composition of the population, it is very similar to what we see today in Transnistria. The major population, the biggest ethnic group, is, of course, Moldovans. Then come Ukrainians. Roughly 70% of the population is Moldovan, and then we have the Ukrainians, Russians, and a small minority called Gagauz, which is a Turkic-speaking population but very tiny. It's 0.3% of the population.
9:45 a.m.
Liberal