House of Commons Hansard #65 of the 37th Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was offences.

Topics

Criminal CodePrivate Members' Business

1:20 p.m.

Progressive Conservative

Loyola Hearn Progressive Conservative St. John's West, NL

Mr. Speaker, in relation to the time that is available, I just want to say a very few brief words on the bill brought forward by my hon. colleague and friend from South Surrey--White Rock--Langley.

This kind of legislation should come forth from private members. It is an exceptionally well thought out, well developed bill. It shows a lot of initiative from the member concerned. It is also the type of bill we certainly can support.

One concern in Canada, in relation to the preservation of our wildlife in particular, is what goes on above and beyond the legitimate side of it. We could also talk perhaps about the same thing in relation to the fishery.

We can bring in all kinds of rules, regulations and quotas and as long as they are adhered to we say that everything should be okay. However nobody knows what goes on behind the scenes in relation to the amount of poaching, excess catching, selling under the table and the list goes on. Certainly in relation to our wildlife, that is the case. The more special, or endangered or rare a species, the more lucrative it is for the black market.

The only way to stop something like that is for individuals across the country to take an interest and arrange to police this matter themselves just by drawing awareness to the various authorities. We have 1-800 lines that people can call. We have agencies through which we can go without causing a stir or getting drawn into it. Consequently these are the types of things that individuals should do.

I have seen in my own situation too often where people exceed bag limits, where for example instead of one moose, there are five. It goes on and on. As these statistics are not registered, after a while it plays havoc with the number of animals left within that certain species.

Without belabouring the point, let me just say to the member that it is exceptionally well thought out legislation. Undoubtedly it can be modified even a little more to make it a bit better. No legislation is perfect and we always can improve upon all of it. However the basis of it is extremely good and we support it wholeheartedly.

Criminal CodePrivate Members' Business

1:20 p.m.

York South—Weston Ontario

Liberal

Alan Tonks LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Minister of the Environment

Mr. Speaker, if passed, Bill C-280 will create a new part XI.I in the Criminal Code and will create three new offences relating to the selling of wildlife. These offences will apply despite the provisions as has been pointed out of other federal acts of Parliament.

However the bill expressly states that the section setting out offences does not alter the application of any existing aboriginal or treaty rights, the point that was just raised by the member across the way.

The offences proposed in Bill C-280 would address three activities: the selling of wildlife in whole or in part; the killing or capturing of wildlife for the purpose of selling that wildlife in whole or in part; and finally, possessing wildlife for the purpose of selling wildlife in whole or in part.

It is worth noting at the outset that in contrast to penalty provisions found in the Canada Wildlife Act, the Migratory Birds Convention Act, 1994, the Wild Animal and Plant Protection and Regulation of International and Interprovincial Trade Act and the new Species at Risk Act, the offences in Bill C-280 are considered to be so serious that they must be proceeded with as has been explained by indictment only.

Providing for straight indictable offences is not an insignificant matter. I would like to take just a minute to examine the significance of providing for a dual procedure offence versus a straight indictable offence.

A dual procedure offence permits the prosecutor to proceed either by way of summary conviction or by indictment. There is a choice. The decision to do so will depend upon the circumstances of the particular case and therefore dual procedure offence models offer a great deal of flexibility for the penalty to fit the crime.

This is important in situations where the seriousness of a particular case may vary considerably. A summary conviction procedure can provide justice in an expeditious manner without compromising the quality of justice delivered. It is an appropriate procedure by which to address less serious instances of a particular crime. This flexibility is lost if the offences in Bill C-280 are classified as a straight indictable offence.

Restricting the offences to indictable offences also creates resource implications for the criminal justice system. Classification of an offence as an indictable offence means that the accused has an election as to the mode of trial, including an option to have a preliminary inquiry and a jury trial. There does not seem to be any valid policy reason for restricting the mode of trial to proceedings by indictment only.

In addition to the issue of maintaining flexibility in the justice system, there is another consideration. Penalties for new offences must fit within the Criminal Code in a sense that they are not disproportionate to the relative seriousness of other offences that may carry the same or lesser penalties. This is not an exact science but I suggest that the penalty provisions in Bill C-280 offend this principle of proportionality.

For example, it seems disproportionate that a second offence in relation to a threatened or endangered species carries a maximum penalty of eight years in Bill C-280 when the maximum penalty for an assault on indictment is five years. Further, the maximum penalties for offences in relation to threatened or endangered species of four years and eight years respectively are maximum terms that are unknown in the Criminal Code. This is another example of the inconsistency of these provisions with other penalty provisions in the Criminal Code. I also note that with a few exceptions most offences in the Criminal Code do not prescribe a higher maximum penalty for a second or subsequent offence.

Although the offences in Bill C-280 can involve serious commercial enterprises, I suggest there is a strong argument for saying that the penalty provisions as currently drafted are inconsistent with other offence provisions in the Criminal Code. As a minimum, it can be argued that they ought to be dual procedure offences.

In respect of the broader objectives of Bill C-280, I think most members of the House would agree that the goal of discouraging the selling of wildlife and wildlife parts, particularly wildlife which is threatened or endangered species, is a laudable one. The question however is whether this bill is the best way to achieve the goal.

This in turn raises a larger question: are the provisions of Bill C-280 in their essence about the prohibition of morally blameworthy behaviour which is traditionally associated with Parliament's exercise of its criminal law power?

Alternatively, is Bill C-280 more accurately characterized as a public welfare offence, which is traditionally associated with regulatory offences in a civil context? It is the position of the government that, from a constitutional perspective, Bill C-280 in its pith and substance is concerned with the regulation of wildlife rather than with prohibiting morally blameworthy behaviour. As such, the proposed amendments to the Criminal Code cannot be supported.

I would like to take this opportunity to briefly outline some of the features of the bill that are traditionally associated with the creation of offences in the regulatory context rather than with Criminal Code offences.

One important feature of the bill is that it does not apply equally to all Canadians. It expressly exempts from application any person who is authorized, pursuant to a federal or provincial permit or licence, to commit the acts which otherwise would qualify as an offence as long as the wildlife involved is not a threatened or endangered species. Exemptions of this nature are extremely rare in the context of the Criminal Code.

Bill C-280 also permits the Minister of the Environment to exempt from application of the act any person or class of persons in respect of a threatened or endangered species where, in the opinion of the minister, the exemption is necessary or in the public interest. A provision of this nature is at risk of being declared unconstitutional on the basis that the criteria are so subjective and general that they do not provide any real limits on the behaviour to be exempted.

Another feature of the act, which is not normally found in the Criminal Code, is that the Minister of the Environment is given the power to designate by regulation an animal or wildlife for the purposes of the act. Another provision would permit the Minister of the Environment to designate a species of wildlife as either an endangered species or as a threatened species provided that the minister had consulted with the committee on the status of endangered wildlife in Canada. Again these provisions are more consistent with legislation aimed at the protection and regulation of wildlife than they are with the provisions found in the Criminal Code.

In concluding my remarks today, I would like to commend the hon. member for South Surrey—White Rock—Langley for bringing this important issue to the attention of Parliament. The goal of the legislation is laudable. My inability to support the bill does not relate to the fact that the goal of the legislation cannot be supported. The lack of support for the bill is based on the fact that the mechanism chosen to achieve the objective is inconsistent with the Criminal Code and with other federal legislation governing wildlife.

I would like to thank the hon. members for their attention with respect to this bill, and again I would like to congratulate the member opposite for putting forward the spirit of the bill, with which we can all agree.

Criminal CodePrivate Members' Business

1:30 p.m.

Canadian Alliance

Philip Mayfield Canadian Alliance Cariboo—Chilcotin, BC

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to address the private member's bill by my colleague for South Surrey—White Rock—Langley.

I do not want to address the bill directly but I do want to make a point about how urgent legislation such as this is by drawing to the attention of the House two examples.

Since being elected there have been two examples of mass killing and selling of wildlife. In the first one, I received a phone call from a citizen in Clinton, British Columbia, on Highway 97 going north. I was told about a semi-trailer truck that stopped in front of a house. The trailer was full of sacks of frozen salmon. The salmon apparently had come from the Fraser River and were heading eastward for sale. I do not know where. I would guess probably Alberta and the Prairies.

The person was concerned that such a large number of fish would be going out, and obviously they were not legally caught fish. I contacted the Department of Fisheries and Oceans and the response I received was that unless I had a licence number there was nothing it could do.

It is interesting that while there was so little concern for that, there have been a number of instances where the Department of Fisheries and Oceans has been quite happy to charge people with destroying fish habitat when the person involved was trying to save his house by unplugging a dam that was causing flooding.

A court case is going on in my riding right now because a large flood of Big Creek took out a person's hay fields and was endangering his house. He put a machine in the creek to unplug the dam that was causing the flood. He is in court now for destroying fish habitat.

The other instance I want to bring to the attention of the House is a conversation I had with a guide-outfitter in Anaham Lake, an aboriginal man who showed me his licences and the maps of his guiding territory. He was concerned about the number of semi-trailer loads of moose that were being killed and taken out of his region. His primary concern was that there were enough of those animals being taken out that it was endangering his livelihood.

The point I am making is that this is not a tiny little problem where once in a while a bear is killed and perhaps a part of the bear is sold to someone who may ship it to China or some other country where these parts are valuable. That is wrong. I would not disagree that people doing that should be charged. However the point I am making is that this is not just the odd part. These are truckloads of animals that, by my constituent's reports, have been seen and have been sent out of the country.

I think that as the House considers this private member's bill it should be aware that this is a large problem in some rural parts of our country.

Criminal CodePrivate Members' Business

1:35 p.m.

Bras D'Or—Cape Breton Nova Scotia

Liberal

Rodger Cuzner LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to speak to this private member's bill today. The government side of the House understands and respects what is at issue here and the grave concern there is in this particular area. We do have a problem, however, where it pertains to the legislation specifically and jurisdiction under the Constitution. I will take a couple of minutes to stress two specific points in those terms.

First, the bill would interfere with the provinces' ability to deal with matters within their legislative jurisdiction as they see fit. The federal government does not simply take over matters of provincial jurisdiction if someone is of the view that provincial laws could be tougher. This is exactly the rationale given by the member responsible for the bill. Perhaps this issue should be taken up directly with the provinces whose legislation she considers to be weak.

This is simply not a sufficient reason to impinge on provincial legislative powers under the Constitution. In fact, with this as the stated objective, the bill is likely unconstitutional on that ground alone. If the federal government legislates to strengthen valid provincial law, the federal government is in effect trampling on provincial rights. We cannot do this, otherwise our Criminal Code could end up covering every aspect of provincial law with more serious penalties.

A second and equally important reason as to why the bill's approach is not proper is that it devalues the true criminal nature of offences contained within the Criminal Code. Recent amendments to the Criminal Code on matters such as child pornography, terrorism, organized crime and existing offences such as sexual assault, murder, robbery, break and enter, and so on, would be devalued if we used the Criminal Code to remedy offences of a more regulatory nature.

Anti-poaching offences are clearly of a more regulatory nature. The activities that are prohibited are lawful if there is a licence issued. It is the licence that marks the dividing line between an offence and lawful behaviour. This is the hallmark of regulatory law, not criminal law.

In her last speech, the member for South Surrey--White Rock--Langley said that this was no different from there being driving offences in the Criminal Code. In fact, there is a very important difference. Driving offences in the Criminal Code are based on a standard of criminal fault, whereas provincial driving offences are not. Provincial driving offences are strict liability offences and Criminal Code driving offences require criminal negligence to be shown. The standards are different. The nature of the offence is different.

However what is being proposed in this legislation would be exactly the same offence with the same standard of fault: killing a wild animal without a licence. This provincial offence would simply be duplicated in the code.

In respect to driving offences, dangerous driving puts all of society at risk and so it is prohibited. It is prohibited criminally for the better protection of society as a whole. There is no licence for dangerous driving in any circumstances. The province never permits the kind of activity prohibited by the code.

The killing or taking of wild animals, on the other hand, is legal with the permission of the province with the issuance of a licence. It is only when there is no licence that the behaviour becomes unlawful. The absence of a licence is what sets apart lawful from unlawful. This is fundamentally different from dangerous driving provisions. The provinces do not authorize dangerous driving. It is potentially harmful behaviour and it is behaviour that is without qualification. In other words, the member's comparison is inapt.

The federal government has jurisdiction to legislate in regard to wildlife poaching where the poaching takes place on federal land, where trade in animal parts crosses a provincial boundary or has an international aspect, or where the subject matter is the preservation of an endangered species. In this regard, the Wild Animal and Plant Protection and Regulation of International and Interprovincial Trade Act, the Canada Wildlife Act, the Species at Risk Act and the Migratory Birds Convention Act are all operative pieces of federal legislation aimed at protecting wildlife in various ways.

The federal government has not neglected its responsibilities. There are existing comprehensive laws to protect wildlife. In any case, if the member from South Surrey does not think these statutes are adequate, then her bill should have sought to amend these statutes.

There is no compelling reason offered for why matters covered by provincial laws and a myriad of specialized federal laws should now be included in yet another statute. The approach in Bill C-280 would create an even more complicated and fragmented regime of anti-poaching laws.

The member also mentioned that the bill would not encroach on provincial jurisdiction because it would not force the provinces to use the code. This is not a determining factor for whether or not a bill would be unconstitutional. It is not the preservation of provincial prosecutorial choice that is important. We must look to the constitutional basis for the proposed measures.

Is the member suggesting that this is valid criminal law? This is hard to sustain given that the very same matters are legislated by the federal government in non-criminal statutes and regulated by the provinces under a power that clearly is not criminal law.

I do not think the federal government should be in the habit of judging the adequacy of every provincial statute and then legislating improvements where it sees fit. This risks overstepping constitutional boundaries. If provincial legislation prescribes inadequate penalties for a particular kind of behaviour, then provinces should be encouraged to improve their laws. The government believes in working with provincial counterparts to solve problems that affect Canadian society. It does not believe in taking over unilaterally.

We cannot use the Criminal Code to remedy every deficiency in provincial law. We cannot simply duplicate every provincial offence in the Criminal Code and jack up the penalty. The bill essentially says that provincial wildlife poaching offences would now be criminal offences. This creates a dangerous precedent. It essentially declares the proposition that every provincial offence could be made a federal offence under the Criminal Code. In the absence of some link to a head of federal legislative power under the Constitution, this is unacceptable.

In addition, the bill is flawed in its approach to criminal law. It is inconsistent with existing criminal law in terms of procedure and in terms of penalties. The penalties provided are three, four and eight year maximum terms, depending upon the circumstances. These are unknown penalties under the Criminal Code. The penalty regime in the code is built on two, five, ten and fourteen year terms. There is no reason to create an entirely new grade of sentences.

Also, offences in Bill C-280 would be straight, indictable offences. This is grossly inconsistent with most criminal offences. Even offences like sexual assault are dual procedure, allowing the Crown to proceed summarily with simpler procedures where the circumstances suggest it is appropriate.

While we applaud the spirit behind the bill, the government cannot support it because it goes beyond achieving its objective in an inefficient and inappropriate way. There is a regime of laws in place that deals almost precisely with the same subject matter. There is no clear evidence that federal law in this area is inadequate. If provincial law is inadequate, then provincial law should be improved. There simply is no reason to duplicate existing offences in the Criminal Code, which is normally reserved for the conduct that attracts society's most harsh condemnation.

Criminal CodePrivate Members' Business

1:45 p.m.

The Deputy Speaker

The time provided for the consideration of private members' business has now expired and the order is dropped to the bottom of the order of precedence on the Order Paper.

It being 1:46 p.m., the House stands adjourned until Monday next at 11 a.m. pursuant to Standing Order 24(1).

(The House adjourned at 1.46 p.m.)