House of Commons Hansard #31 of the 41st Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was copyright.

Topics

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

Conservative

Laurie Hawn Conservative Edmonton Centre, AB

Mr. Chair, that is a very important question.

Every developing country goes through challenges. Every developed country goes through challenges. We can learn from those situations and challenges. Where we have setbacks, that is an opportunity for progress.

I optimistically look at this in Ukraine as an opportunity for progress. Clearly the government has violated some of the principles and values that we hold dear such as freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law, but that awakens in people like Ukrainians the spirit of independence, the spirit of freedom, the kind of spirit we saw several years ago with their Orange Revolution.

The kind of spirit I see in Ukraine is in my own riding. I have a large Ukrainian population in my riding. I take inspiration from them often about their zest for life, their sense of vigour and their thirst for freedom and democracy. Canadian Ukrainians can help in the struggle of Ukrainians in the Ukraine.

I look at a situation like this, as I said, as an opportunity for Canadians of any stripe, but for Ukrainians in particular, to help those Ukrainians in Ukraine to make progress and to turn a bad situation into an opportunity for advancement.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

NDP

Anne-Marie Day NDP Charlesbourg—Haute-Saint-Charles, QC

Mr. Chair, the government argues that a free trade agreement with Ukraine would coincide with Canada's foreign policy objectives, which support the democratic transformation and economic reforms undertaken by Ukraine.

In what way do negotiations on free trade support democratic transformation if we observe that there is increased repression of opposition policy?

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

Conservative

Laurie Hawn Conservative Edmonton Centre, AB

Mr. Chair, Canada will always be a friend of Ukraine and vice-versa. People who trade together do not tend to fight each other. That is a basic principle of trade. It is not just about economic prosperity. It is about foreign relations. It is about relations between two countries like Canada and Ukraine, like Canada and many other countries. Trade is a foundation upon which we can help Ukraine to build its economy and its prosperity. Prosperous people tend to be less cranky than people who are not prosperous.

Anything we can do through our free trade agreements to help the Ukrainian economy to prosper will help the Ukrainian people to be more comfortable and to have a brighter future. That is our aim in all this process.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

Liberal

Irwin Cotler Liberal Mount Royal, QC

Mr. Chair, I am delighted to participate in this take note debate, that the House take note of the general state of democracy in Ukraine, particularly the apparent political bias and arbitrary prosecution and conviction of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko by Ukrainian authorities.

Twenty-five years ago, Ukraine voted to leave the Soviet Union and became an independent country. Canada was the first western country to recognize the Ukraine's independence, establishing diplomatic relations on January 27, 1992, and the march to political and economic reform, independence, culture and identity began.

Seven years ago, the 2004 Orange Revolution gave Canada and the world great hope for the prospects of democracy and freedom in Ukraine. Seven years ago, Yulia Tymoshenko, the populist democrat dressed in orange, climbed on to a stage in a snow-covered Kiev. I still recall that scene when she electrified a crowd, galvanized some 150,000 protesters at the time against the then rigged election victory of Viktor Yanukovych in the 2004 presidential election.

Who could forget the compelling scenes, and I can still see it in my mind's eye? I am sure many in Canada at that time were engaged in what was happening in Ukraine. Who could forget the compelling scenes of Yulia Tymoshenko emerging, energizing, captivating the people for days, ushering Viktor Yushchenko to victory, proclaiming in her words at the time, “Glory to the Ukraine” and the crowd responding, “Yulia, Yulia”.

The Liberal government at the time stood shoulder to shoulder with the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada and we stood shoulder to shoulder with the Ukrainian people in the Ukraine in our shared struggle to realize their democratic aspirations.

The Canadian government at the time, of which I was a member, sent 1,000 election observers to the Ukraine during the election and expressed support for the emergent government and democratic cause.

Democracy was on the march. Civil society was beginning to flower. Freedom of the press was a democratic expression of this march of freedom at the time.

The Orange Revolution gave the world hope for the prospect of real democracy taking root in the Ukraine with the clear and unequivocal support of the Ukrainian people. As well, the years that followed, and indeed we saw this, the emergence of a democracy, while somewhat chaotic, emerged and anchored in the people.

To fast forward, despite his history, Viktor Yanukovych won the 2010 presidential election, ironically, through open processes that resulted from the Orange Revolution itself. Canada and the western countries congratulated him and expressed interest in working with his government in its goal of joining the European Union and the western community of democratic nations.

Then, regrettably, the erosion of democracy, of which this debate is taking note, began and in that erosion of democracy there were a litany of events that I will briefly summarize. Much of this has been addressed this evening, so I will deal with it by abbreviation only.

First, we had a series of unconstitutional amendments, where the previous restrictions to the power of the president were repealed, accelerating the concentration of power in the president. Distinctions and separation of power between president, prime minister and government were effectively nullified and the government and the Parliament came under the direct control of the president, so that whatever prior checks and balances occurred were no longer effective.

Second, we saw a process of politically motivated selected justice and repression of opposition politicians. This has been manifested in the ongoing prosecution and recent conviction of former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko, as has been described this evening and is part of our take note debate theme. However, it includes as well the arrest and imprisonment of former interior minister, Yuriy Lutsenko and flight into asylum in the Czech Republic of former economic minister, Bohdan Danylyshyn, among others. The appointment of media magnate, Valeriy Khoroshkovsky, as head of the security service of Ukraine, is part of a pattern as it has been described as turning the power of the state over to business oligarchy.

Third, the European parliament adopted, on June 7, 2011, a resolution on the Ukraine, wherein it stressed the importance of and its concern with the absence of transparency in investigations, prosecutions, trials and accountability and warned against any use of the criminal law as a tool to achieve political end. It further expressed concern about the increase in the selective prosecution of the political opposition in Ukraine. As I said, this is not limited to, though of course the case study this evening is that of Yulia Tymoshenko.

The European resolution goes on to stress that the ongoing investigations of prominent Ukrainian political leaders should not preclude them, as it has, from actively participating in the political life of the country and calls on Ukrainian authorities to lift the travel ban, both domestically and internationally, on Yulia Tymoshenko and other key political figures.

As well, there were threats to media freedoms, for one of the great achievements of the 2004 Orange Revolution was the establishment of a truly independent media. Again, since February 2010, a growing number of disturbing incidents has occurred that conveyed the impression that media freedoms are increasingly being jeopardized. During its fact finding mission to the Ukraine in July 2010, the international media watch dog, Reporters Without Borders, documented cases of physical attacks on journalists, direct obstruction of their work and acts of censorship of various kinds. This trend has continued. At least 10 radio, television and newspaper journalists across the country have reported being physically attacked in 2010 in cities throughout Ukraine, a pattern continuing in 2011. Broadcast licences of independent television channels have been suspended by government regulators, and I can go on.

With regard to local elections, according to the U.S. State Department 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in Ukraine, the October 31 local elections at the time did not meet standards for openness and fairness set by the presidential elections earlier in the year. Two American NGOs threatened to withdraw from a working group to develop a new electoral law, charging that the group had no input because decisions were being made and controlled by the president.

In addition, there is growing and serious concern with the upcoming parliamentary elections. How can they be declared free and fair if the leaders of two opposition parties, including the leader of the official opposition, are not able to participate?

Finally, I would mention the fact that the government of President Viktor Yanukovych has targeted independent universities and research institutions for harassment and intimidation, especially those who are working on restoring Ukraine's historic memory.

This brings me, at this point, to the trial of former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko. In this trial, we see a case study of that which is concerning us with respect to the erosion of democracy in Ukraine as a whole. In fact, the images contrasted with that which I mentioned of the Orange Revolution in 2004.

I will close with this from an article which states:

This time the former prime minister, wearing grey, sat in court to hear a...judge reading out a sentence of seven years' jail, a three-year ban on public office and a fine of $190 m as purported compensation for damage allegedly caused when she struck a gas deal with Russia in 2009.

This was during the normal course of her work. The article continues to state:

The term was symbolic: a year in jail for every one that has passed since the orange revolution.

A case study in selective prosecution, in all the arbitrariness that attended it, in the denial of a right to fair trial before an impartial and independent judiciary, in the denial of the right to know the nature of the charges against her, denial of the right to counsel, we have gone from the excitement of the 2004 Orange Revolution to the nadir that we are now witnessing in Ukraine.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10 p.m.

NDP

Anne-Marie Day NDP Charlesbourg—Haute-Saint-Charles, QC

Mr. Chair, I thank my colleague for his remarks. I have a comment to make. I am quite pleased with the evening I have just spent in this House, which will continue until 10 p.m. or later. This evening, I observed that it is possible to move in the same direction and work together on both sides of the House. I also noted that there were several members of Ukrainian origin in this House, which I was unaware of until this evening. It would appear that our voices are united in our call for one thing: a better democracy in Ukraine. That was my comment.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10 p.m.

Liberal

Irwin Cotler Liberal Mount Royal, QC

Mr. Chair, I agree. We can work together for the common cause of democracy in Ukraine, as we support this struggle for democracy. For my part, it is inspiring to see the members of every party in this House taking part in the struggle for democracy.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:05 p.m.

NDP

Jinny Sims NDP Newton—North Delta, BC

Mr. Chair, it is absolutely true that all parties are rowing in the same direction as we express our concern about the undermining of democratic structures in the Ukraine. As Canadians and as parliamentarians, we are also struggling with how to effectively influence and bring about change in the right direction.

If my colleague were in charge, what steps would he see the government taking in order to put pressure on the Ukrainian government to respect human rights and to respect the rule of law?

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:05 p.m.

Liberal

Irwin Cotler Liberal Mount Royal, QC

Mr. Chair, first, Canada should use all of the diplomatic resources at our disposal to communicate both publicly and privately to the Ukraine our displeasure about the regressive developments that have been cited during the course of this debate this evening, and to put the Ukrainian government on notice that there will be adverse potential consequences for this anti-democratic conduct.

Second, we should help foster NGO sector development, particularly groups that are working there in human rights, education and law reform. Civil society in the Ukraine is still a powerful resource and we should stand in solidarity with it.

Third, government to government dialogue is necessary. We should send a Canadian parliamentary delegation to visit Ukraine to meet with our counterparts there and deliver the message of our standing with them in common cause as we deliver the message to the government that it will be held accountable for its actions.

We should engage in appropriate diplomatic interventions with respect to upcoming hearing, such as the Lusenko trial.

We should include human rights protection in free trade talks with the Ukraine.

We also should engage in robust election monitoring, particularly in the upcoming October 2012 parliamentary elections, and support the independent media in the Ukraine where there are significant threats to media treatment. We should perhaps consider reinstating Radio-Canada international Ukraine programming to ensure that our Canadian values are shared and broadcast in the Ukraine.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:05 p.m.

Conservative

Stella Ambler Conservative Mississauga South, ON

Mr. Chair, I will be splitting my time with the Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism.

I am honoured to stand in the House tonight to speak to this important and troubling situation, but the words I have to offer are insignificant compared to the notable remarks made by Canada's Prime Minister on Friday night in his speech to the Ukrainian Canadian Congress in Toronto. I will take this opportunity to read into the record a portion of his remarks at this important event, which took place just a few days ago. Speaking of the Taras Shevchenko award, the Prime Minister stated:

This award has been presented to many distinguished Ukrainian-Canadians, as well as friends of Ukraine. Among those friends was John Diefenbaker, the first Prime Minister to receive it. I am honoured to follow in his footsteps … for Diefenbaker personified the distinctly Canadian reality that people from all backgrounds can and do succeed in this great country.

Of course, what really makes this presentation special is the fact it pays tribute to the legacy of Taras Shevchenko. His words provided the inspiration for Ukrainian independence. He said, and I quote: “Strive and you will triumph for God is on your side. The rewards are glory, truth, and that most sacred of things, freedom.” Shevchenko was a brilliant artist and a renowned poet. But most important, his was a voice for freedom...

In the decades that followed his spirit would inspire Ukrainians to fight for liberty against not only the Tsars, but also the totalitarian ideologies of the Nazis and the Soviets. You know, here in Canada, with our deep Parliamentary traditions and our comparatively benign history, democracy sometimes gets taken for granted. We often need to be reminded of how long and hard the struggle for basic freedoms has been, and that it remains to be fought for so many of our fellow human beings. The Ukrainian-Canadian community has always provided that perspective and that voice for the oppressed...

But, the important thing is this, I’m here to tell you that as long as I am Prime Minister our government always will speak out for those things that elevate the human spirit--freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law--for all nations and peoples! ...

—when I visited Ukraine last year I made a special point of visiting historic sites to pay my respects, on behalf of all Canadians...

While I was in Kiev, as you remember I also raised issues that are of concern to the Government of Canada. I took particular care to show Canada’s support for democratic debate … by meeting with Yulia Tymoshenko. Like many of you, I am seriously concerned about her situation...

I’ve written directly to President Yanukovych. I let him know that I am deeply concerned … that the conduct of Tymoshenko's trial does not reflect accepted norms of due process or fairness.

Friends, we all know that a vigorous political opposition and judicial independence are vital to building a democratic and prosperous Ukraine. Canada will support Ukraine whenever it moves towards freedom, democracy and justice. However, our foreign policy is rooted in principle, and in the defence of freedom.

So to be clear, our government is very concerned about the path the Government of Ukraine appears to be taking. Tuesday’s developments may have serious consequences for our bilateral relationship. The Ukrainian people can count on Canada to stand-up for their liberty. Canada is always ready to help … to help democratic institutions take root, in Ukraine and around the world. And I know that each and every person here tonight shares that cause … which is why I am so honoured to be here.

Thank you, Mr. Chair, for this opportunity to speak and tell you about the Prime Minister's comments on this serious and important situation.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:10 p.m.

Conservative

Laurie Hawn Conservative Edmonton Centre, AB

Mr. Chair, I listened to my colleague's comments, which were very apropos.

Canada has always been a friend of Ukraine. We have always stood up for Ukraine. We were the first country to recognize it in 1991 when it regained its freedom and democracy. I would like to get my colleague's views and comments on the historic role that Canada has played with former Prime Minister Mulroney and other Canadian institutions have played a role in the re-emergence of Ukraine and how we can help them going forward from this setback to get back on the right track again.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:10 p.m.

Conservative

Stella Ambler Conservative Mississauga South, ON

Mr. Chair, Canada has always supported the efforts in Ukraine to build a peaceful, democratic and prosperous society, and we will continue to do so.

My colleague, who was at the election in 2004 during the 10 days of the Orange Revolution, was telling me about those times and about the nascent democracy that was Ukraine seven years ago. Twenty years ago, the situation was even more difficult.

As the Prime Minister mentioned in his remarks on Friday night to the Canadian Ukrainian Congress in Toronto, our history is relatively benign in that area. We did not go through the difficulties that the Ukraine did and has over the last many years.

Canada will continue to support Ukraine's development and democracy. We want to ensure this anti-democratic situation that is going on stops as soon as possible.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:10 p.m.

Conservative

Blaine Calkins Conservative Wetaskiwin, AB

Mr. Chair, I am the chairman of the Canada Poland Parliamentary Friendship Group, and I see my colleague for Mississauga East—Cooksville here as well. I can say, from the Polish diaspora who contact me and from the large Ukrainian diaspora who live in my constituency, that they are quite concerned and alarmed. I also know that the people of Poland are quite concerned and alarmed about the developments that have taken place and with Ukraine slipping in recent years, since the last election, to the influence from the former Soviet regime that is now manifesting itself again in the politics of Ukraine.

I know that my colleague from Mississauga South does have both a large Polish and Ukrainian constituency that she represents. I wonder if she would elaborate on some of the comments that she has been hearing from those constituents.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:15 p.m.

Conservative

Stella Ambler Conservative Mississauga South, ON

Mr. Chair, indeed, the residents of Mississauga South who are Ukrainian Canadians are very concerned about this politically motivated persecution of Yulia Tymoshenko. They are relieved that the Canadian Parliament and Canada's Prime Minister are taking a tough stand against the erosion of democratic rights in Ukraine.

I have spoken to some of them and they are very proud as well that our Prime Minister was given the honour of the Taras Shevchenko medal , the highest honour that can be bestowed by the Ukrainian community on any Canadian. In fact, only two prime ministers in history, the current Prime Minister and Prime Minister Diefenbaker, have been given that award.

We will continue to work on behalf of Ukrainian Canadians living here in Canada, but also to en sure that democracy, freedom, democratic rights and the rule of law return to Ukraine.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:15 p.m.

NDP

Alexandrine Latendresse NDP Louis-Saint-Laurent, QC

Mr. Chair, there are a number of reasons why I am pleased to speak today about the events that have taken place in Ukraine since the beginning of August.

First of all, my reasons are personal. I will come to the point:

[Member spoke in Ukrainian.]

[English]

I love Ukraine.

It is a magnificent country with extraordinary people. The people are talented and courageous. The history of Ukraine is a series of incredible, tragic and grand events. It is a country of great poets, courageous warriors, tiny grandmothers who gather mushrooms, and dedicated workers who are proud of their country. When the train makes its way through the hills that are yellow with sunflowers, a sense of happiness falls on the traveller, like that experienced in childhood. Those who come into contact with Ukraine fall under its spell forever.

I have wonderful memories of Ukraine and I am filled with nostalgia when I think of the time I spent there.

This personal relationship echoes a much deeper and older relationship that all honourable members of the House are surely familiar with. Canada has a very close relationship with the Ukrainian people, which has spanned more than 100 years. How many millions of Ukrainian immigrants arrived in the Prairies at the beginning of the 20th century? So many came that we are almost justified in calling Canada “the little Ukraine”, or “Malaukraïna”. How many older Canadians still remember their grandparents from Galicia living in conditions of extreme poverty? How many younger people still call their grandmother “Baba”? How many of our elected officials were and are of Ukrainian descent?

The numbers speak for themselves. With the exception of Russia and the other former Soviet countries, Canada has the largest Ukrainian population in the world. That is saying something.

In late 2004, we all saw thousands of people gathered in Independence Square in Kiev demanding the annulment of the fraudulent results of the presidential election. We remember President Yushchenko, disfigured by an attempt to poison him, losing the presidential race. The election irregularities were as clear as the sky is blue: ballot tampering, fraud, abuse and cynicism unlike any that Canada will ever see, fortunately.

Cynicism was an acquired habit that expressed itself automatically. It was nothing new. Almost all the former Soviet republics had a great deal of difficulty instituting true democratic reform. All the experts were saying that it was a Soviet legacy, that it was inevitable, that the old habits and old traps of an era had left too great a mark, and that it was sad but that we had to respect the political reality and not judge it.

But this underestimated the Ukrainians. The events that followed were extraordinary. Protestors stood their ground for weeks. In the cold, the wind and the snow, they stayed there, refusing to let their country be betrayed again. And to everyone's surprise, in the end, it worked. With key slogans, orange flags and courage, thousands of outraged citizens got the better of a quasi-criminal and undemocratic administration. The Cossack nation's unbelievable history was unfolding before our eyes. It was what everyone now refers to as the Orange Revolution.

It was during this Orange Revolution that the main subject of tonight's debate appeared on the scene. I remember it well. For the rest of Europe, it was as though she had fallen from heaven. Yulia Tymoshenko climbed up on the barricades and spoke on behalf of Ukrainians. With her symbolic braid, she resembles the poet Lesya Ukrainka. She expresses herself beautifully in Ukrainian and fires everyone's imagination.

Yulia Tymoshenko would become the great heroine of a country that no longer wanted to be forgotten by the western world. I remember seeing posters of Yulia looking like Joan of Arc in the souvenir markets in Kiev and Odessa. This can be regarded as either an exaggeration or a valid metaphor; we can take our pick. However, we cannot deny the fact that this woman represented an important symbol for her people.

Yulia quickly positioned herself in the Ukraine's new democratic government, which saw the light of day following the victory of the orange protestors. She had an unbelievable talent for politics. Suddenly, she was everywhere. Just as quickly, she became the one and only way to a democratic, prosperous and stable European Ukraine. This is what the country had always aspired to and, with Yulia Tymoshenko, it was closer to achieving that goal than ever before. This was the main thrust of her election platform and she would never change it.

But, the Ukraine is a huge and diverse country. Its population is enormous: close to 46 million. Its transition toward the market system has been difficult and the disappearance of the Soviet state left large portions of the country in poverty. We are talking here about conditions that are very difficult to manage. And, for the first time, it seemed that there was real hope.

But the election results revealed and confirmed a fear. Although it has a united national identity, the country seems divided in half along the Dnieper. One the one side is a majority of pro-Europe, pro-democracy and pro-reform voters, and on the other side are the more conservative voters, who still hold onto cultural ties with Russia and who live in a working class area nostalgic for industrial Sovietism.

Bringing together this big beautiful country requires ongoing efforts. In 2010, the candidate from the left bank of the Dnieper was elected. Viktor Yanukovych won the prime ministerial election by a very small margin. And his election immediately undermined the progress made since the fall of 2004. All of the real democratic reforms were put on hold.

Of course, he claimed to be a reformed and reliable democrat to the western world and carried on with the European agenda. He even chose Brussels over Moscow when the time came for his first official visit abroad. Furthermore, the electoral irregularities were so minimal that foreign leaders were forced to acknowledge the validity of the election. But reality was quite different. The Ukrainian government seemed to be taking a much different path.

On August 5, former presidential candidate Yulia Volodimirivna Tymoshenko was formally accused and arrested. A bit earlier, she had responded to her accusers and addressed the nation on television and the Internet, proclaiming her innocence loud and clear: “I did not steal the money I am accused of taking.” She immediately indicated that the accusations against her were motivated by simple political revenge. No one, anywhere, has refuted that statement.

Worse yet, President Yanukovych does not really deny it. After all, under the Soviet regime, it was quite normal to lose one's good name for nothing. This entire legal charade is the same old, same old. Without any valid reason whatsoever, as though they were still in the U.S.S.R., once it achieved power, the regime took revenge on its detractors.

I repeat: someone did try to take the life of Viktor Yushchenko during the 2004 election. Now the regime prefers to throw its opponents into prison. It is getting soft.

Nonetheless, this goes beyond simple vengeance. It is a pure and simple repression of opposition. Today the people's committee opposed to Yanukovych said, “It is an attempt to exterminate the opposition, and resistance to democracy the world over. This show trial is not just the trial of Yulia Tymoshenko, but also that of the Ukrainian government. It no longer has a place in the civilized world. Such brutality is an impediment and it must be defeated”.

After all, that is what this trial was: a show trial, like those under Stalin; less brutal, but heir to a tradition founded on illegitimacy and violence. Ukraine deserves better. Ukraine, as I know it, deserves better and, with a little help, will be better.

Fortunately, the rest of the world is reacting to the situation. The European Union and especially Poland are expressing their fears quite well. Poland is the country working the hardest on helping Belarus and Ukraine complete the transition to democracy. President Komorowski is considering diplomatic sanctions against the Yanukovych government. Ukraine's European future is seriously compromised. If Poland is taking action, then Canada has a duty to follow suit.

Ukraine is a rich country with an intelligent, educated and talented population. Its people are dynamic, young and full of ambition. I have a number of friends in Ukraine, people who live as though these underhanded practices did not exist. They have no choice. To them, the path Ukraine must take is clear. Ukraine is a European country, the largest European country in fact. Ukraine is a country with an abundance of resources of all kinds. If Europe loses Ukraine it is a catastrophe. If this great country falls to dictatorship, it is a tragedy.

If we have to add human rights protection clauses in our agreements with this government, then let us do so. If Poland, which has been working so hard for such a long time on integrating Ukraine into Europe, does not hesitate to take action, then it is a fine example and we should follow it.

The efforts Canada has made through CIDA are commendable. Our country has truly understood that we have much to gain from getting to know the Ukrainians and helping them develop their country. A stable, developed Ukraine is something positive for the whole world.

We cannot forget that the Ukrainian people are innocent bystanders in these schemes. We need to think of them first. Ukrainians should have greater access to travel in Europe and the west in general. They need to see the validity of their efforts in the fight for democracy. The dream of a stable, democratic Ukraine needs to be given a chance. To quote Yulia Tymoshenko, “Razom peremojemo! ” Together, we can overcome!

We must think about Ukrainian youth. We need to let them come study here. We need to show them something other than the universities in their country and in the former Soviet republics that they have access to. We need to wager that in 25 years, if an entire generation of Ukrainian youth has the Canadian education system opened to them, the errors that led to this sad situation will not be repeated. Everyone wins. It is simple: “Razom peremojemo!

To conclude, I would like to read a few lines from a letter that Yulia Tymoshenko wrote during her trial and was able to get out to journalists, “The courage and unity of honest people are what frightens dictators the most. And, at the end of the day, that is what topples oppressive regimes.”

Slava Ukraïni!

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:25 p.m.

NDP

Jinny Sims NDP Newton—North Delta, BC

Mr. Chair, I would like to thank my colleague for her heartfelt and very passionate speech on the situation in Ukraine. As I said earlier, rarely in the House do we see parliamentarians from both sides of the House speaking up on such a critical issue and, as someone said previously, rowing in the same direction.

My colleague has had the pleasure of travelling in Ukraine and has made some personal connections. The Prime Minister has made a very strong statement. The Minister of Foreign Affairs has also spoken very strongly and hinted at bilateral relations being in jeopardy. What other steps does my colleague think Canada could be taking in order to promote democratic structures in Ukraine?

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:25 p.m.

NDP

Alexandrine Latendresse NDP Louis-Saint-Laurent, QC

Mr. Chair, I thank my hon. colleague for the question. As several members have already said, there are various things Canada can do through its free trade agreements. It is extremely important for Canada to respect human rights and the separation of the judiciary and the executive. There are many things we can do to help the people. The people who want things to change want democracy, and we can support them in their fight for a freer and more democratic Ukraine. There are plenty of things we can do in that regard. For instance, we can encourage students, young people, to learn more about western countries like Canada. The various programs that invite Ukrainian students to come to our Parliament are an extraordinary way to help them learn about our democratic system and our country's institutions. These are excellent ways to help democracy in Ukraine.

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:30 p.m.

Conservative

The Deputy Chair Conservative Barry Devolin

It being 10:30 p.m., pursuant to Standing Order 53(1), the committee will rise and I will leave the chair.

(Government Business No. 6 reported)

Democracy in UkraineGovernment Orders

10:30 p.m.

Conservative

The Acting Speaker Conservative Barry Devolin

This House stands adjourned until tomorrow at 2 p.m., pursuant to Standing Order 24(1).

(The House adjourned at 10:30 p.m.)