Debates of Jan. 27th, 2014

Situation in Ukraine

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Winnipeg North, MB]

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments made by my colleague from Dauphin.

There is no doubt and we can never express the degree in which Canadians as a whole look at what is happening in Ukraine today and not get quite emotional and acknowledge that what is happening there is just wrong. We believe in freedoms. We believe in the rule of law. These are fundamental principles. When we see what is taking place in Ukraine, we want to see the Canadian government do what it can to send a very strong message. That is exemplified by the number of people who are participating and getting engaged in a wide variety of ways to ensure that the people of Ukraine, and I underline the word “people”, do know that Canadians are behind what they are trying to accomplish.

Could the member provide some feedback from his personal perspective representing constituents of Dauphin—Swan River—Marquette as to what he has conveyed to them or how they are conveying information to him?

[Robert Sopuck, Conservative, Dauphin—Swan River—Marquette, MB]

Mr. Speaker, when I look at the Ukrainian people in Canada and reflect upon their accomplishments, I see that what they have done is remarkable. In my particular constituency, Ukrainian people are some of the best farmers in the area and some of the best business people. They are very hard-working and have a fierce attachment to property rights. The Ukrainian people have contributed mightily to what makes Canada survive.

[Philip Toone, NDP, Gaspésie—Îles-de-la-Madeleine, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank our colleague for his speech. It was interesting. He talked about how his family took in refugees from Czechoslovakia, now the Czech Republic, in the 1960s.

I would like to say that my family did the same. We took in Czechoslovakian refugees in 1968. I do not think those particular refugees were worried about not having access to medical care, unlike refugees today, who no longer have access to medical care thanks to changes made by the Conservative government. That is a big problem for refugees today. At least in the 1960s, we treated refugees a little better.

The United States announced that it was revoking the visas of individuals linked to violence in Ukraine against people in favour of a European democratic movement.

Why has the Canadian government not done the same as the Americans by banning visas to Ukrainians linked to the violence going on now?

[Robert Sopuck, Conservative, Dauphin—Swan River—Marquette, MB]

Mr. Speaker, obviously the member's points were bogus. The point is that his party and the other party over there, over the decades, enabled Communist and left-wing regimes to thrive and prosper. Actually, they have a lot to atone for with what is happening today. The sooner they understand what they have done and what their parties have done and the sooner they realize what they need to do to atone for the crimes that they have enabled, the sooner we will be better off.

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, before I begin, I would like to say that I will share my time with the hon. member for Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing.

Naturally, we are all concerned about the situation in Ukraine and by developments in recent days. Clearly, this is an emotional issue for many in the House tonight. This all started with the European Union association agreement, but it is not really about the European Union association agreement. What this is really about is democracy, human rights and, most of all, dignity. That is what the people of Ukraine took to the streets to demand. Democracy has never been simple in Ukraine. There have been many difficulties and challenges, challenges that the people have met bravely. On January 16, there was an attempt to further paralyze the Ukrainian people's pursuit of progress. Under the circumstances, we have to send a strong message to the Ukrainian authorities, and that is why we are all here tonight.

Sending a strong message is not enough, though. We must act. We must prevent this spiral of chaos and violence from escalating. We can take action. Of course, we would be in a much better position to intervene if we had tools such as those that were promised, including the institute for democratic development, which this government never set up, or the famous Rights and Democracy organization, which did an excellent job in this kind of situation. This does not prevent us from taking action. We have talked a lot tonight about working with our international partners to determine sanctions. I am not talking about just any sanctions. We do not want to attack or hurt Ukrainians. I am talking about truly targeted sanctions against the leaders and those who are taking this reprehensible action in Ukraine.

I also said we should work with our partners, with our allies. This evening, I have found it very interesting to see that, on the one hand, some are proposing to wait to see what Europe, the United States and other countries will do and, on the other hand, others want to act unilaterally. There is another possibility between those two options that would show true leadership, namely to take the initiative and push our partners to act to implement some sanctions or measures I will elaborate on in a moment.

I would be curious to know which proactive measures the government has taken to push our partners to act, instead of just waiting for them to act and then following suit. That would be true leadership, and Canada should display true leadership regarding Ukraine. We are all aware of the close historic ties between our two countries. In fact, that is why Canada was the first country to recognize Ukraine's independence in 1991.

We should be playing a leadership role. Isolationism is not the answer and neither is a wait-and-see approach. We must take action.

There are countless options. Obviously, we must prevent the leaders and those I would call the troublemakers, the people involved in the repression, from being able to travel to Canada. Again, with our partners, we must prevent them from being able to travel anywhere. We must freeze their assets. It is important to work with our partners on this and then we can accelerate the movement.

It is a question of sanctions, but beyond sanctions we can also take more positive measures. That is more or less what the Ukrainian Canadian Congress recommends. For example, we could provide asylum to Ukrainians or to family members of the protesters who were killed, speed up the visa process, take in the injured here in Canada and treat them. We are hearing reports that the police are rounding up the injured in hospitals and leaving them in the forest. In any case, many of the stories are going to require further investigation. In the meantime, these are the measures that Canada could be taking to save lives.

Again, the Ukrainian Canadian Congress would like to see help on the ground such as the construction or operation of an emergency hospital with the Red Cross because the situation has become quite dire. These are things we could consider.

Obviously, as I was saying, we must monitor the situation closely. Knowing my former colleagues, I am sure that our ambassador is doing extraordinary work monitoring and looking at what is happening on the ground, but we must also look to the future.

These are some of the measures we could be taking. I say “could”, but it is our duty. We must support the people of Ukraine at this difficult time in their history.

Before closing, I would like to take this opportunity to commend the courage of all those who stand up to defend their rights and dignity in the cold, in fear, because there is a tremendous amount of oppression and intimidation. People are being beaten and humiliated. I would like to commend the courage of these people who stand up and say no and defend their rights.

Unfortunately, I do not speak Ukrainian, but all those people there who are fighting are speaking the language of dignity. They are speaking the language of hope and that is a language that we all share.

[Raymond Côté, NDP, Beauport—Limoilou, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for her speech.

One very troubling aspect of the situation in Ukraine is that all of the existing parties are hardening their positions. First, there is the ruling power. As my colleague pointed out, as a result of this hardened stance, we are hearing rumours about repression—real or not—of protesters. Some things are very obvious, with images of chaos and violence against the public.

I would like my colleague to give us an idea of the assets we already have in place. She mentioned the work done by her former foreign affairs colleagues. What means does Canada have to take meaningful action, not only against the ruling power, but also in support of the individuals who have been repressed or injured and who need help and support?

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his question.

We cannot simply say that we condemn the situation and that these kinds of things are not good. Unfortunately, as we are seeing far too often these days, our foreign policy involves people standing up and making all kinds of noise to condemn a situation. That is not enough.

In the case of Ukraine, could we not provide some assistance to facilitate a dialogue between the opposition and the current president? This has been suggested by others.

We need to look at these kinds of issues. We must also not be afraid of saying there will be sanctions if the situation is not resolved.

However, we must also find a solution. We must help the people who are on the ground and who are fighting to defend their rights.

[Chris Alexander, Conservative, Minister of Citizenship and Immigration]

Mr. Speaker, is the hon. member aware that, according to our current immigration laws, people from Ukraine—or anywhere else in the world—are not eligible to come to Canada if they have committed a crime against humanity or a war crime, if they are a member of a spy or intelligence agency that is targeting Canada, or if they have been involved in incidents that would be considered crimes in Canada?

That is the system that currently applies to anyone who requires a visa to come to Canada.

Instead of talking about measures that Canada can take and that we will continue to consider in partnership with our allies, is the member ready to say that enough is enough, that Russia is interfering in Ukraine's domestic affairs, and that Ukrainians have the right to be in charge of their own affairs without Moscow's input and without nostalgia for the former U.S.S.R.? Does she agree that part of the real problem is Moscow?

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, to respond to the first part of the question, yes, I am aware of all the restrictions.

However, does that mean that the hon. member wants to wait for years while an investigation is conducted to determine whether crimes against humanity were committed or whether incidents occurred that would be considered crimes here? In the meantime, will we sit idly by and let the current leaders, the people who are responsible for the repression, come to Canada when we could impose travel restrictions on a number of people?

[Carol Hughes, NDP, Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing, ON]

Mr. Speaker, perhaps you are wondering why a member from northern Ontario wants to talk about this. I think that this affects everyone in Canada.

There are approximately 1.2 million Canadians who have Ukrainian ancestry in Canada. The population in northern Ontario includes over 40,000 people of Ukrainian descent. That is quite a few. In the riding of Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing, there are many Ukrainians who have helped to build a lot of the communities. Some of them came as a result of war situations. Others came to work in the mines and the mining sector, and they have helped to build our country. I know they are watching this very passionately, as are some people in Parliament who are still overlooking this at this late hour.

I have pulled a few things together tonight to provide some of the background for people who might just be joining in.

The demonstrations are the biggest that the country has seen since the Orange Revolution, which toppled the government nine years ago.

When we look at the motion we are discussing today, I can say what the NDP motion would have been. It would have said:

That the House condemn the killing and injuring of peaceful protestors and other alarming violations of freedom of speech and association in Ukraine, and request that the Government of Canada take strong action in consultation with international partners, including individual sanctions against those responsible for human rights abuses, repressive measures, and violent crackdowns.

The important piece has the words “take strong action in consultation with international partners”.

Through discussion, it was decided that the motion would come from the government side. The motion that came forward said:

That this House:

Condemns the draconian law that was adopted in Ukraine on January 17, 2014 that severely limits the rights of Ukrainians to peacefully organize, assemble or protest;

Recognizes that such a law undermines freedom and democracy in Ukraine;

Condemns the Ukrainian government's use of violence and threats of legal action against the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church for helping peaceful protestors;

Expresses condolences to the friends and families of those who lost their lives at the hands of Ukrainian security forces on January 21, 2014;

Calls upon the Ukrainian government to bring those responsible for these acts of violence and repression to justice;

Continues to call for Ukrainian security forces and government to refrain from the use of violence and respect the people of Ukraine's right to peacefully protest;

Urges the Government of Canada, in collaboration with like-minded nations, to consider all options, including sanctions, to ensure that the democratic space in Ukraine is protected;

And that this House stands united with the Ukrainian people who believe in freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

The difference is that we had in our language “to take strong action” and this says “consider all options”. I am glad we can consider all options, but we also have to consider a little more and decisively decide on taking strong action if things are not resolved.

New Democrats, and I believe this whole House, stand with the people of Ukraine. We are deeply concerned by the government's use of force against peaceful protesters, and we remain hopeful that tomorrow's Ukrainian parliamentary session will see concrete solutions being put into place. We know that the EU diplomat Catherine Ashton has a planned visit to Ukraine, within 48 hours she has said, which would have her arrive there tomorrow. We hope that Mr. Yanukovych and the opposition leaders who will be meeting with her will be able to come to a peaceful solution on this.

It is noted that there have been four activists who have died in incidents connected to the protest in recent days as well.

Looking at an article from Antonia Mortensen, I think she sums up an understanding of what is really happening here:

Ukraine is the biggest frontier nation separating Russia and the EU. Once part of the Soviet Union, the country gained its modern independence in 1991 following the fall of the Berlin Wall.

I think a lot of us do recognize and have heard about the Berlin Wall. That was in my younger days, but I still remember that. I still remember the importance of that and how Canadians were actually glued to their televisions learning about this.

Mortensen continues:

Since then, Ukraine has made an effort to move toward Western ideals when it comes to politics and human rights, but the nation is still ranked 144 out of 177 countries in Transparency International's corruptions index.

That is something to be mindful of. Mortensen then adds:

The Ukrainians who have taken to the streets in recent weeks say they want to see a better-governed, less corrupt and politically liberal country, more closely aligned with its western neighbours.

That is what we all hope for in a democracy, that we can actually have less corruption, that we can have accountability and transparency.

She continues by quoting someone else's piece on Ukraine:

People see a prosperous, well-governed EU next to their borders--in sharp contrast with their own economic and political misery. That's why they are on the streets now, in Kiev and elsewhere.

She notes:

Under Soviet rule, many Ukrainian farmers lost their lands and homes, and many ethnic Russians settled in the Ukraine. Under Soviet Rule the country's people their language and culture all suffered.

We can understand that, because we know what happened here in Canada with the first nations, Inuit and Métis people. We understand that there have been many challenges and much loss for these people.

She continues by quoting David Frum:

No nation suffered more from Soviet communism than the Ukrainians. Ukrainian farmers lost their lands and homes to Soviet collectivization....millions died in the man-made famine that followed....their language and culture were stunted under Moscow rule; their intellectuals and writers were suppressed, banished, murdered, and defamed.

We are seeing that even today, where some of the media are actually being suppressed so that there are not two sides to a story but only one side, the government's side. I think that is shameful.

Mortensen then states:

This caused a split which still exists in the Ukraine today, where a strong east-west divide remains, with the East of the nation being mostly Russian-speaking, with a large ethnic Russian population, and the West of the country being Ukrainian. Ukraine's economy has been slow to follow its western neighbours who were also under Soviet control—Poland, for example, where the economy has grown exponentially. Poland was not part of the USSR, but can say “also part of the Soviet Union or under Soviet control—for example, Poland, where the economy has grown exponentially.” By contrast, Ukraine's economy has deteriorated further and has suffered its worst years since the fall of the Soviet Union. Many Ukrainians hope that the EU deal would offer the chance of economic recovery.

This is where we are today. In a blog responding to the comments made, a variety of comments were made. In one of them by someone from the Ukraine, it says:

Quinton, I don’t care less if there would be triumph for any other nation as a result of Ukraine’s moving closer to the EU—this will be primarily a triumph for the Ukrainian people. If it happens (or rather when it happens) this will be an escape from the trap set by the Russian empire for the past four centuries. We do not expect economic assistance from the EU, the Ukrainian people expect that the proximity to the EU will help us to obtain dignity and achieve self-respect, which Russia wanted to destroy for centuries by famine, executions and humiliation of Ukrainians. The Ukrainian people demand the rule of law, less corruption and fair rules of the game in our country.

This is where we are today. It is about democracy. Canada should explore the possibility of international travel bans and asset freezes on those responsible for repressive measures and violent crackdowns.

We certainly hope that the government will act, should it need to act shortly.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Winnipeg North, MB]

Mr. Speaker, back in December when we had the take note debate, the deputy leader of the Liberal Party argued that we needed to focus on targeted sanctions and he provided solid, tangible examples of how we might able to do that.

Once again, we are trying to emphasize the importance of targeted sanctions. Ultimately, we do not have to wait for other countries to come onside: Canada can in fact play a leadership role in itself and take action today.

Does the member believe conclusively that now is the time to take action? Does she agree that we do not have to wait for other countries throughout the world and that we can do it, even standing alone as one nation, and take targeted sanctions?

[Carol Hughes, NDP, Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for reminding us about the debate in December. I mentioned it a little while ago. It was at a time when we were celebrating the life of Nelson Mandela, a great leader who fought for democracy.

I mentioned at the end of my speech that we certainly should look at taking decisive action. It was part of the motion that we were looking at tabling prior to the one that was agreed upon. I mentioned that we should explore the possibility of international travel bans and asset freezes.

We also have to take note and see what happens tomorrow at the meeting that is going to occur with Ashton. Hopefully there will be a resolve there. We always have to hope.

I would also like to mention a quote from the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, testifying to the foreign affairs committee in 2011, where they said:

Canada can help foster NGO sector development, especially groups working in the areas of human rights, education, and law reform, as a vibrant civil society is one of the best guarantors of Ukraine's long-term democratic evolution.

It is not like this was yesterday. This is dated 2011. Something should have been done a while back.

[Alain Giguère, NDP, Marc-Aurèle-Fortin, QC]

Mr. Speaker, as tonight's interventions have shown, unfortunately, Ukraine is headed towards a civil war logic. We all hope that that can be avoided. However, the fact remains that Ukrainian democracy has been undermined, damaged and broken down for quite some time by corruption. Perhaps it is also important that Canadians know how to stop those who profited from that corruption from reaping its rewards here in Canada, to prevent them from laundering and recycling their dirty money here.

I would like to know how Canada can implement this policy.

[Carol Hughes, NDP, Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing, ON]

Mr. Speaker, first of all, the government needs to have a long-term plan to encourage democracy in Ukraine. As I mentioned earlier in this debate, many others have said that we should freeze government assets to ensure that they do not disappear.

We see a government that is trying to accumulate assets. I would like to say this in English, because it is a little easier for me. We definitely see a government that can purchase huge mansions for its own use in national and provincial parks. The government is keeping those riches to itself, rather than sharing them with its people. That is really important.

I ended up saying it in French.

[Laurie Hawn, Conservative, Edmonton Centre, AB]

Mr. Speaker, I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the discussion on Ukraine at this important and troubling juncture. Let me just say, for my Ukrainian friends.

[Member speaks in Ukrainian language].

I will be sharing my time with the hon. member for Souris—Moose Mountain.

Since we last met in the House in a special session to discuss Ukraine, in December of last year, the situation in this beleaguered country has indeed deteriorated significantly. The government of Viktor Yanukovych has become even more brutal and more authoritarian. Acts of repression and intimidation have become well-worn tactics of the administration and of the security services. The use of violence by the state against peaceful protestors has become routine and widespread. The free press, brave journalists, religious figures and democracy activists have been muzzled. Ukrainians have been beaten and kidnapped and some, indeed, have been killed.

Tonight, the people of Ukraine face off against a government that has squandered whatever fragment of legitimacy it might once have had. The Yanukovych government has brought this situation upon itself, exacerbating civil unrest by using thuggish strong-arm tactics to try to pull the protest movement apart and by ignoring parliamentary process to push through a new set of repressive and illegitimate laws designed to silence legitimate dissent and facilitate a crackdown. The brave people of Ukraine could not be expected to be docile and submissive in the face of such repression. Ukrainians are brave and determined people and they know how to endure unbelievable hardship and tyranny, as they demonstrated a long time ago during the Holodomor. They will not let their country creep toward tyranny and dictatorial rule.

This protest movement started off in early December as a reaction to the unpopular and last-minute decision by Viktor Yanukovych to reject an offer for closer association with Europe, an offer that would have benefited all Ukrainians. However, because of the government's disproportionate and unprovoked counterattack on the protestors and on the ideals they espouse, this movement has become something more. It is not only about Ukraine's relationship with Europe and the communities of western democracies; the protestors demand an accountable government that respects human rights and the rule of law. This movement is now spreading across the country, and its outcome will be decisive for the future of Ukraine.

On the evening of January 25, in talks between the government and Ukraine's main opposition leaders, Yanukovych offered two key opposition leaders the posts of prime minister and deputy prime minister in a government that he, Yanukovych, would continue to lead, along with some minor concessions whereby he agreed to amend, not repeal, the draconian anti-protest laws he had pushed through his parliament 10 days prior. The opposition leaders, Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Vitali Klitschko, rejected the offers, as they should. They rejected these offers because they constituted an attempt to co-opt the opposition, not accommodate it.

The opposition's demands are legitimate and they are clear. They are to release all citizens who have been detained by law enforcement bodies for participation in protest actions that followed adoption of the dictatorship laws on January 16, 2014; to pass a law that exempts from responsibility and guarantees absence of criminal responsibility in the future for participants in protests that took place after January 16, 2014; to invalidate the package of dictatorship laws, passed on January 16, which grossly violate the Ukrainian constitution and other long-established legal instruments and procedures; to begin the process of revising the Ukrainian constitution to better protect civil rights and liberties; and finally, to dismiss the cabinet of ministers, so many of whom have had a direct hand in facilitating this crackdown against legitimate civil dissent.

I believe that Canada should support these calls for change and that we should encourage the Ukrainian government to re-engage in talks with the opposition on the basis of these principles. In this respect, I am encouraged by the news today that the United Nations will dispatch a mediator to Ukraine. In the meantime, the opposition and the Euromaidan movement need Canada's moral, political, diplomatic and material support, and they can count on it.

At the outset of the crisis on December 6, the Minister of Foreign Affairs travelled to Kiev. He expressed Canada's deep disappointment that the Ukrainian government had, in balking at implementing the measures necessary to sign an association agreement with the European Union, effectively suspended that country's path toward democratic development and economic prosperity, all at the hands, frankly, of Vladimir Putin and Russia. This was clearly not the wish of the Ukrainian people.

While in Kiev, the Minister of Foreign Affairs met with his Ukrainian counterpart, Leonid Kozhara, to express grave concerns about the Ukrainian government's crackdown on mass protests against its decision to suspend negotiations with the European Union.

The minister also visited Independence Square, where he personally met with many of the protesters. We saw that on television. People in the square chanted, “Thank you, Canada” and cheered when the minister arrived. Afterwards, the minister said:

The clear signals of the Ukrainian people have been broadcast around the world, and the most concerning and disappointing aspect has been the government's reaction to these peaceful protests. We will continue to stand with those Ukrainians that believe in freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

Canada sent more than two dozen election observers to Ukraine to monitor parliamentary byelections being held amid this crisis, on December 15, in five electoral districts where electoral fraud had invalidated the results of the nationwide parliamentary elections of 2012.

Through the end of December and into January, the Yanukovych government, seeing that the protesters in Kiev's Independence Square showed no signs of abandoning either their posts or their principles, could have taken this as a signal to begin negotiations with the opposition. He could have pulled police and interior ministry forces back from a confrontational posture. He could have taken steps to show that he had heard the will of the people and would respect and recognize a form of protest that had been both peaceful and popular.

Yanukovych did none of this. Instead, he ratcheted up the pressure. He maligned and defamed the opposition leadership. He loosened the reins on his security forces, and he enacted new repressive laws. This is when the beatings, the disappearances, and the killings began. In response, the protest movement spread, and while remaining remarkably restrained, naturally became more volatile in some quarters.

Yanukovych's justice minister threatened to impose a state of emergency. This is the state of affairs in Ukraine tonight. The international community is rightly concerned.

I have mentioned that the United Nations announced today that it will dispatch a mediator to Kiev. We shall see in the days ahead whether this initiative will produce positive results for the people of Ukraine. I certainly hope it does.

The European Union has condemned the government's excesses and has called for restraint. The United States has revoked the visas of Ukrainian authorities deemed to have had a hand in these acts of oppression. Like Canada, the U.S. has also said that all policy options for holding responsible those implicated in acts of violence and repression may remain on the table.

The Chairperson-in-Office of the OSCE, Swiss Foreign Minister Didier Burkhalter, has called on the Ukrainian authorities to do their utmost to prevent a further escalation of tension, to carry out investigations promptly, and to bring those responsible for the casualties and violence to justice.

NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen has pointed out that the Ukrainian government is ultimately responsible for protecting peaceful demonstrators and that a sovereign, independent, and stable Ukraine, firmly committed to democracy and the rule of law, is key to Euro-Atlantic security.

Whatever direction this crisis takes, the Ukrainian people should know that they can count on support from their friends in Canada. As evidence, Canada's embassy in Kiev has been engaged with the Maidan and with key opposition figures as well as with the government throughout this crisis.

Our diplomats have conducted spot checks and have maintained a visible presence at protest sites in a clear demonstration that Canada and the world is watching. No act of violence or oppression will go unnoticed or unaccounted for by Canada.

At the same time, our embassy has been closely coordinating positions, messaging, and diplomatic actions on the ground in Kiev with our American and European partners, all with a view to urging restraint while demanding accountability for the democratic will of the Ukrainian people.

Canada's $20 million a year development assistance program in Ukraine is targeted towards supporting democratic civil society, instituting electoral reform, combatting corruption, and helping small and medium enterprises in Ukraine grow.

Since Ukraine's renewed independence in 1991, Canada has played a pioneering and influential role, promoting freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in this important country with which Canadians share such deep historical, cultural, and people-to-people ties. That role will continue, especially in the midst of crisis.

The Government of Canada is determined to continue to assist the Ukrainian people in achieving their aspirations for a fully free and democratic society. They must know that they have our support. We share their values. We share their aspirations. Their struggle is our struggle.

[Member spoke in Ukrainian]

[Elizabeth May, Green, Saanich—Gulf Islands, BC]

Mr. Speaker, tonight I think members of the House are united, as we often are, because we are together, as Canadians, concerned, at a level that absolutely transcends our politics, with the plight of the people of Ukraine. We need to know that everything we can do as Canadians is put to bear for the cause of democracy and freedom so that the Ukrainian people, who had a reasonable expectation of being able to align themselves with the European Union, will not be pre-empted from that desire by something that does not represent their will, their concerns, and their desire to align themselves with democracy.

It is not quite midnight, but it is late. I would like to ask my hon. colleague, on behalf of those of us in the opposition benches here tonight, what we, as parliamentarians and Canadians united, can do to support those Ukrainians who want nothing more than what we enjoy here in Canada: the right of free speech, the right of democratic assembly, and the right to align themselves with the cause of democracy and freedom.

[Laurie Hawn, Conservative, Edmonton Centre, AB]

Mr. Speaker, in response, I would say that we can do what we are doing now, which is standing up and loudly and clearly expressing the concerns of Canadians of Ukrainian descent, of which there are approximately 1.3 million, many of them in my riding, and Canadian Ukrainians across the country. We cannot stand by. There are measures we can take. We cannot take kinetic measures, such as invading Ukraine and measures like that, but we can certainly do other things. Those are all on the table. They do not necessarily play themselves out in public.

I go back to my previous life. When I was commanding an F-18 squadron in Europe, just before the wall fell, I took the members of my squadron on the ground to the Berlin Wall so that they could see why we were, in fact, deployed to Germany and why it was important that we, as Canadians, did what we were doing. There was silence. I cannot remember the name of the town. It was a little town in East Germany. It was dead silent. It was a town of about half a million people. We could hear dogs bark and the odd car, but it was otherwise silent. The place was virtually dead. That is what we cannot allow to happen in Ukraine.

We cannot be prepared to do it the way we were prepared to do it in central Europe at that time, but we can certainly do what we are doing today, which is standing up, loudly and clearly, and taking what measures we can, along with our allies, the Americans, the Europeans, and everybody else, to make it clear to Yanukovych and the thugs he works with and the thugs, frankly, he works for in other countries above his pay grade, that we will not stand for it. We will do whatever we can to make life better for the Ukrainian people.

[Lois Brown, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Development]

Mr. Speaker, I listened to my colleague talk about the situation in Ukraine. We know that it has been fragile for quite some time, but over the last month and a half, we have seen greater violence. The situation has deteriorated considerably.

One of the things that has really been at the heart of all of this is the Ukrainian people's desire to align with the European Union. I wonder if my colleague has any thoughts on what a trade agreement with the European Union would offer the Ukrainian people in freedom.

[Laurie Hawn, Conservative, Edmonton Centre, AB]

Mr. Speaker, that is a pertinent question, because that is the kind of thing we are trying to get to.

There is a crisis in Ukraine right now. If we can get the Ukrainian people beyond that by either moving Yanukovych to a higher level of understanding and decency, or frankly, by helping them move him aside, then the Ukrainian people can aspire to all of the things Europe enjoys and all of the things we enjoy in our trading relationships with Europe, the United States, and other countries. It is the kind of thing that will move the Ukrainian people forward. Trade is what makes commerce, industries, and economies work. It is crucial that we get past this crisis so that the Ukrainian people can enjoy the kind of economic and trade freedom that will help them prosper.

[Ed Komarnicki, Conservative, Souris—Moose Mountain, SK]

Mr. Speaker, it is certainly a pleasure to add my voice to the many voices that have spoken today, many eloquently, putting forth the position of Canada and uniting in a common voice to indicate that what is currently happening in Ukraine is not acceptable and that there needs to be a change.

I truly feel that Ukraine is at a crossroads and at a turning point in its history. It is difficult to say exactly how it might turn out. We do know that those in authority will be meeting and discussing what needs to happen and what will be taking place.

Of course, the worst would be the imposition of force in a semblance of some sort of security and causing more deaths and injuries. It would be my hope and desire, and I am sure the desire of all in the House here, that those in authority will think long and hard in terms of where they are going. As Amnesty International said, they do not want to take Ukraine back 20 years or more from where it was. They want to take Ukraine forward to enjoy the rights and freedoms that we take for granted here in Canada and enjoy day by day.

The actions of the president, the government, and the security forces must be condemned loudly and unequivocally. I think that is what we are doing here, not only today but day by day, in response to the intimidation we have seen, the humiliation, the use of brutal force by Ukraine against its own people, who are assembling in a peaceful way to protest and express their views. That is fundamentally essential in a free and democratic society. I think what we are seeing is a culmination of a series of steps that have taken Ukraine to where it is today.

Of course, the trouble is that once one tastes of democracy, of freedom, it is difficult to take it away and it is hard to give up. The people of Ukraine have been in that place where they have tasted of freedom. They have tasted how democracy works.

I have been to Ukraine, as my colleagues have, on a number of occasions to monitor the elections that have taken place. There was a spirit of hope and aspiration. However, the steps that we have seen taken in the last while have suppressed these hopes, have suppressed these aspirations, and the people of Ukraine are not prepared to accept that. They are standing up for forward progress, for their legitimate aspirations, and we must support them at every turn of the way.

A political system that is manipulated and orchestrated so that laws are passed in a hurry, and perhaps not in the way that they should be, to achieve an individual's result or for the benefit of a certain sector of society at the expense of the majority of the people is a problem. It goes against the very core of what we know is right.

I think there is a better way, and it is unfortunate that the better way was not taken. I truly feel that if individuals can express themselves, if their abilities can be used in an appropriate way, if there is due process so that one can do things without fear of intimidation or fear of suppression while knowing that the judiciary actually works, and if the fairness of the laws apply evenly and equally to everyone, the country would prosper.

The Ukraine had an opportunity, or perhaps we could say at the moment a missed opportunity, to sign an association agreement with the European Union. Ukraine, in failing to do that, missed an opportunity to further develop democracy and to ensure the prosperity of the country by setting in place some rules and regulations that business would know would be enforced. Those who wanted to invest in the country's great potential would have known that they could, and that they could expect the rule of law and due process to prevail. That opportunity was there, and it continues to be there in large measure. Western countries and European countries are prepared to work with Ukraine and invest quite heavily.

Instead, a comprehensive agreement was signed with Russia that has taken Ukraine back a number of years to the old ways, something that did not need to happen. What is worse, when the people took exception to that, when they peacefully assembled and demonstrated, the reaction was to pass really draconian laws that anyone could objectively say are anti-democratic and do not respect individual rights. I will just go through some of them to indicate the direction that was taken.

The state could decide to ban Internet access. Maybe in days past things could have been done in a corner, but in today's society where we have the Internet, television, and cameras, and telephones that take pictures, things are not done in the corner and we can see live action, so the authorities try to suppress that. Today's society is remarkable. I would urge this type of action not be taken.

Criminalization for libel and targeting of the media for criticizing government officials was another law, with sentences of up to two years in jail. That is remarkable. Moreover, the blocking of government buildings could result in a sentence of up to five years in jail. The unauthorized installation of tents, stages and sound equipment could result in up to 15 days' arrest for someone doing something that is fundamentally their right to do.

A group of more than five cars driving together requires permission from the ministry of interior affairs, otherwise the drivers face a loss of licence and vehicle for up to two years. Imagine that: five vehicles driving in a row is considered offensive.

A broad definition of extremist activities adopted prevents NGOs and churches from engaging in the support of civil protests.

The Canadian Ambassador for Religious Freedom observed that the Ukrainian culture minister has threatened to delist the Ukrainian Greek Catholic church as a legal body if its priests continue to publicly pray with the protestors. Can anyone remember the last time that churches were delisted as entities? We know when that was, and it is a very regressive position to take. How can the people of Ukraine stomach a law like that? How can anyone impose a law like that? It must be challenged. It must be reversed. Reason must prevail.

MPs may be stripped of immunity by a simple majority vote in Ukraine's parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, thereby allowing the initiation of criminal proceedings, detention or arrest, with such cases no longer requiring prior review by the relevant parliamentary committee. When election rules can be changed, when opposition members can be put in jail because of the position they take, where is the country headed? A number of political prisoners really ought to be released, because when we look at the process that put them there, when we look at the weight of the law the president placed upon them, a quick look would say this cannot be right.

Another law indicated that NGOs that accept foreign funds must include in their title the term “civic organization that fulfills the functions of a foreign agent”.

Those kinds of actions are regressive and go back to an era and a time we would like to forget.

Of course, we have seen a protestor killed. A funeral was held for a 25-year old who paid the ultimate price.

The deliberate beating of protestors and journalists, kidnappings and disappearances, people falling off tall buildings are the kinds of things one would expect in a very regressive and totalitarian regime. The use of deadly force, physical assaults, home visits, requests for statements, censorships are the kinds of things that cannot be tolerated.

I probably will not have time to mention an article in the Daily Herald, in which a young person who came to Canada decries what is happening. Two fellow students, one a poet and one going to university, were arrested for protesting and put in jail. How is that appropriate in a democracy? It is not.

I would encourage the Ukrainian people to continue to stand for that which is right, at this very critical moment in history.

[Raymond Côté, NDP, Beauport—Limoilou, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I listened closely to my Conservative colleague's speech as well as the previous one.

It is important to take stock. I also picked up on some bombastic rhetoric about the strength of the Ukrainian people. That is a good thing, but right now, beyond tonight's legitimate and crucial emergency debate, we need to acknowledge the cruel reality that Canada must live within its means, which have been severely restricted by the government.

The response capability that Canada once had, through government representatives and the staff of Foreign Affairs Canada, has been greatly weakened. What is more, Canada has now excluded itself from the UN, resulting in a staggering loss of influence.

I would like to know how my colleague believes we can make a difference, given that we are now living with the consequences of these political choices from another time that have greatly restricted our power to act?

[Ed Komarnicki, Conservative, Souris—Moose Mountain, SK]

Mr. Speaker, first and foremost, the kinds of actions that I talked about must be condemned categorically. There is no question on that.

Second, Canada has to work with its allies and look at the options that are available. Today we have heard a number of options that are available for Canada to take, and Canada has said it will take them.

I know that the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, along with its president Paul Grod, has actually done an admirable job in identifying what is happening on almost a day-by-day basis, informing parliamentarians, but also suggesting the kinds of things that the Ukrainian community in Canada would like to see happen, and some of the options are very realistic.

It is a range of options. We heard them today. I will not go through all of them. Many of the opposition members have actually asked that we undertake those options. However, it is the kind of thing that is put into a basket for those who are dealing with the situation on an immediate basis to make a decision. I would prefer to leave it in the hands of our foreign minister, in the hands of our Prime Minister, in concert with other allies, to take precisely the kind of action they feel is appropriate, under the circumstances, at the immediate moment that it needs to be taken. I would trust their judgment on this because I know where they stand. I know the statements they have made. They have been very public about them. They have been very straightforward and sincere about them. I would expect that the actions they take would be in the best interest not only of Ukraine but of Canada as well.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Winnipeg North, MB]

Mr. Speaker, if I may, I will just put to the member a question that was put to the government earlier today, in question period, by the deputy leader of the Liberal Party and ask him to respond as to how he would have answered the question. The question is this. Beyond general statements about considering options with respect to Yanukovych, will Canada specifically, one, send official observers to scrutinize what is going on, two, provide expedited visas to any victims who need to leave that country for their own safety, and three, target Yanukovych and his crowd with personal sanctions, asset freezes and travel bans, for example, to push them to stop their anti-democratic behaviour?

[Ed Komarnicki, Conservative, Souris—Moose Mountain, SK]

Mr. Speaker, if I recall correctly, the member who put the question in question period was the member for Wascana.

In fact, when I look at the recommendations made by Mr. Paul Grod, president of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, I see he listed a number of suggestions of actions that could be taken. Of course, the ambassador of religious freedom is in Ukraine almost as we speak. The very specific types of actions that the member for Wascana put forward are the types of actions that have been listed by the Ukrainian Canadian Congress and are taken into consideration by the foreign minister and the Prime Minister, in concert with the allies, to decide what actions will be taken. I think that is totally appropriate. That is exactly what I would do.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Winnipeg North, MB]

Mr. Speaker, to pick up on the last statement by the member which says “in concert with the allies”, we would encourage and expect the government to work with the allies to see what sort of common ground can be found and actions taken. What the government seems to be missing is the potential leadership role that we as a nation could be playing. We would appeal to the government to reflect on the fact that there is a role for Canada to play unilaterally if need be. We have suggested that and been talking about that for weeks now.

First, I would like to give a bit of an outline. Our Canadian Ukrainian community today is estimated at over 1.2 million people. I have heard it is 1.3 million. There should be absolutely no doubt whatsoever that there is a great deal of interest throughout Canada in what is happening in the Ukraine. It goes much further than individuals of Ukrainian heritage. They see and hear what is taking place. They want the Government of Canada to demonstrate strong leadership on this issue. Many are watching this evening, reading the newspapers and they are following it on the Internet. They are looking for leadership on the issue.

We have a parliamentary friendship group. It might be appropriate for the parliamentary friendship group to have an emergency meeting, to see if we can come up with some ideas that might be able to assist the House. As a vice-chair of that committee, I would be more than happy to be part of that discussion. I would encourage the chair and other members to see if we could convene sometime this week and hopefully generate some ideas and thoughts.

In December, we thought about having an emergency debate. However, at the time it was felt that we would have a take note debate, which is fairly similar to what we are doing this evening. That take note debate received the support of all parties. I participated in the full take note debate. It is interesting that there is a bit of a change now. I found that during the take note debate there was a lot more discussion in terms of what was physically taking place in the Ukraine.

I think this started around November 20 or 21. We had an EU association deal, of sorts, that was not being signed off, no doubt for a number of reasons. The people of the Ukraine responded rapidly to the concerns they had with respect to the general move and the failure of the president to recognize the valuable role that the European Union could potentially play for the Ukraine.

Most people would acknowledge that Russia no doubt has a role to play in the Ukraine's future. However, the European Union has a role to play. The people of the Ukraine want to see that take place. There was a great deal of discussion about that in the take note debate.

The Ukraine is a sovereign nation that has gone through a great deal. Canada is a very young nation. However, as a nation, the Ukraine has endured. The people of the Ukraine have always fought for their identity and want to preserve it.

Ukrainians have gone through some pretty horrific times. Members often talk about the Holodomor and the genocide that took place. When I was in Kiev two years ago, two things came out. One was a very touching moment. When I went to the Holodomor museum, I saw an older gentlemen leaving the museum with tears in his eyes. He was obviously deeply affected. He was probably in his late eighties at the time. It was a very touching moment both for me and for my daughter, who had witnessed that and who ultimately went on to the museum.

Among the people I talked to, one was a parliamentarian, but in other individuals there was a great deal of optimism and debate and discussion about the European Union and the possibility of future prosperity for Ukraine through building bridges and building better agreements. We need to understand that what took place in November shattered the dreams of many in Ukraine, and as the days followed, we found that the whole issue of democracy, basic freedoms, and the rule of law were all being challenged.

The people of Ukraine responded. I was in Independence Square in Kiev. It was huge, but very confined with all the large buildings around it, and I could imagine the thousands of people who started to take to the street in protest.

They are entitled. They have earned that entitlement to be able to express themselves in whatever way they can to demonstrate that the basic rule of law, basic freedoms, and democracy are worth fighting for.

As the campaign continued, here in Ottawa we recognized the needs and what the people of Ukraine were saying and how our constituents were responding to what was happening in Ukraine. I am not alone; I am sure that virtually all members of the House would have been contacted, whether by individuals of Ukrainian heritage or by the Ukrainian Canadian Congress or by other stakeholders who were genuinely concerned and wanted Canada to take some action, to do something.

I recall that debate vividly, because not only did the member for Wascana stand and give his speech, but he also talked about the idea of targeted sanctions. We talked about the leadership role that Canada could play, but even in the questions that followed, the member for Wascana continued to push on that particular point. I happened to follow the member and did likewise, perhaps not quite as eloquently, but we recognized it.

It was not just members of the Liberal Party back then who were talking about that measure: Canadians were talking about it. I have had the privilege of meeting with a number of people of Ukrainian heritage, and in a very tangible way they gave me a better understanding of the issues facing Ukraine.

I make reference to my good friend Borys Wrzesnewskyj. As an individual, he has been a valuable resource to the Liberal Party caucus in making sure that we are kept up to date with what is taking place in Ukraine through websites and posts on Facebook. We appreciate that, not only for ourselves, but for other Canadians.

He is not alone. There are many others. My colleague from Toronto Centre wrote a wonderful editorial piece in The Globe and Mail today. I would recommend that people take the time to read it.

If I could steal one of her sentences, she said, “In Ukraine, we are seeing the struggle for human dignity, for the rule of law, for freedom of expression and association in its clearest form”.

That is really what we are witnessing. We see the images, and there are so many. With the Internet and world media and the role they play, the Ukrainian government will not be able to hide from what is taking place. I have seen footage on the Internet, through YouTube and news networks, and what is happening to protesters is absolutely cruel.

Earlier, I had my assistant pull something from the Internet. It was a report from the CBC. I would like to make quick reference to two parts of this report. It says:

Thousands of Ukrainians chanted “Hero!” and sang the national anthem on Sunday, as a coffin carrying a protester who was killed in last week's clashes with police was carried through the streets of the capital, underscoring the rising tensions in the country's two-month political crisis.

We have people dying in Ukraine. They are dying because of a government that is not responding to some of the fundamental rights that the people of Ukraine deserve to have and be honoured with.

The article goes on to say “demonstrators tried to storm a local administration building, but police drove them back with water sprayed from a fire truck in subfreezing temperatures...”

This is what I mean when I say that cruelty is taking place. It needs to stop. There needs to be some sort of accountability for what is taking place and for those who are imposing these sorts of actions. If people want to tune in to local news or go on the Internet, they can do Google or YouTube searches and witness this cruelty first-hand.

We have all had opportunities to engage the community as whole, but particularly individuals of Ukrainian heritage from our communities who are trying their very best to make sure the Government of Canada is doing whatever it possibly can to make a difference. I was at a Winnipeg rally, which I made reference to before. I know there were other rallies. I believe the member for Toronto Centre was at a rally in Toronto. These rallies are taking place because we in Canada want the people of Ukraine to know that we care, that we are following what is taking place and that we do not like what we are seeing.

There are petitions being circulated and signed by hundreds and thousands. If we had electronic petitioning, I would suggest that hundreds of thousands of people would be signing these petitions.

A special mention should go to the Ukrainian Canadian Congress for the phenomenal effort it is making, whether at the national or regional level.

In the local communities, a number of individuals from different Ukrainian organizations have communicated with me. I am grateful for that. It is not only the organizations.

Last Thursday when I was having lunch at Wendy's, I looked to my right because I overheard a young man talking to a lady across from him while showing her his iPhone, which was obviously showing a clip of what was happening in Ukraine.

Someone came to one of my weekly meetings. I have her email here, because I asked her to send it to me with her comments. She, Libid Zyla Harder, said that she would love to see Canada offer refuge for new dissidents, the persecuted protestors, independent journalists, and their respective families.

I hosted a lunch on Sunday in my constituency. We had maybe 150-plus individuals, the vast majority, maybe 90%, who might have been of Ukrainian heritage. One table in particular had a group of young people who picked up on the same point, that we needed to look at how we might be able to assist through refuge or special visas. People have ideas, and there are things that we can do.

I posed a question to the last speaker. It would be nice to get a very straightforward answer. Today in question period the deputy leader of the Liberal Party posed the following question to the government:

Beyond general statements about considering options with respect to Yanukovych, will Canada specifically, one, send official observers to scrutinize what is going on; two, provide expedited visas to any victims who need to leave that country for their own safety; and three, target Yanukovych and his crowd with personal sanctions, asset freezes, and travel bans, for example, to push them to stop their anti-democratic behaviour?

I do believe, and we in the Liberal Party believe, that Canada has a leadership role to play and does not have to wait for other countries. Yes, we work with other countries, but we can play a leadership role in putting in targeted sanctions, a leadership role on the whole issue of immigration and through Citizenship and Immigration assist in a very tangible way.

That is the challenge that we put to the government, starting back in December. I want to conclude really simply and say that the challenge for the government is to demonstrate strong leadership here.

We can go alone. Yes, we can work with other governments throughout the world, but we can go alone if need be, and we believe that the need is now. We do not have to wait. My final appeal to the government is that we can act now, and I would challenge it to do just that.