Debates of Jan. 27th, 2014

Situation in Ukraine

[Bob Dechert, Conservative, Mississauga—Erindale, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I welcome the new member to the House. Had she been around in 2012, she would know about the leadership role that Canada took in sending its foreign affairs committee to Ukraine. We wrote a report that was widely distributed in Ukraine, Canada and around the world. We made some very strong statements in it.

Certainly we are not saying that we would rule out unilateral action, but at this point in time the best thing is to act in conjunction with others. When we bring all those forces together we will have maximum impact, and I believe that is what we will see happen. I am certainly looking forward to that and I know she is as well.

[James Bezan, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of National Defence]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Justice, for his speech and for his work in his previous portfolio as parliamentary secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and for his incredible knowledge of the situation in Ukraine.

We have been watching the situation slowly deteriorate for the last number of years. It started with Yanukovych coming to power. We saw some of the changes that have been made to election laws and we know that there has been a slow move to undermine the democratic will of the people. I guess the one thing that started to bring that to fruition was the drastic measures that President Yanukovych and his regime were prepared to take in imprisoning Yulia Tymoshenko, the legitimate opposition leader, the runner up in the presidential elections of 2010. She was wrongfully politically imprisoned through a showcase trial

Could the parliamentary secretary talk to that? The foreign affairs committee in the past studied the issue of eroding democratic rights and how the telling tale was when Yanukovych believed that if he could get away with that, “Just watch me now”. That is why we find ourselves in the situation we are in today.

[Bob Dechert, Conservative, Mississauga—Erindale, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague not only for his question but also the tremendous service he has given Canada and democracy in Ukraine by being a co-sponsor of the motion we are debating this evening.

As the member would know, I had the opportunity to go to Kharkiv on two occasions, once on my own and once with the foreign affairs committee, to try to meet with Mrs. Tymoshenko. Clearly her imprisonment is politically motivated and just an example of what the government of Yanukovych is willing to do to repress political freedom in that country.

Mrs. Tymoshenko should be released. We have demanded that she be released. Canada was at the forefront of sending a medical team to Kharkiv to examine her in the prison hospital to find out what her medical problems were and to ensure that she got the proper medical treatment. We demand that she be released as part of any political process going forward. It is absolutely necessary to restore faith in democracy and it would be a good sign if the government of Ukraine were to release her immediately.

[Philip Toone, NDP, Gaspésie—Îles-de-la-Madeleine, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I thank the parliamentary secretary for his speech, which was quite interesting.

I have a question for him about non-governmental organizations. They have quite an important role to play in supporting democratic forces in Ukraine. Are we doing enough to help them? What, specifically, are we doing to help? Have they asked the Government of Canada to help them out? Where are we at on the issue of non-governmental organizations?

[Bob Dechert, Conservative, Mississauga—Erindale, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the hon. member for his very good question.

In fact, as I mentioned in my speech, Canada has been working with many non-governmental organizations in Ukraine to support the democratic process, both during the last parliamentary elections and, really, over the last 20 years, to help build democratic institutions and information systems that would allow the Ukrainian people to have the knowledge they need to elect democratic governments and to know when their democratic rights are being infringed.

During the last parliamentary election process, a significant amount of money was provided to Ukrainians for their own information and election monitoring processes. We continue to work with those non-governmental organizations. I met with many of them when I visited Ukraine. I know that the Minister of Foreign Affairs met with many of them, as has our Ambassador of Religious Freedom.

Therefore, there is a very significant role that non-governmental organizations can play and we will be continuing to support them in this current fight for democratic peaceful protest rights in Ukraine, and in the future for the democratic process there.

[Wladyslaw Lizon, Conservative, Mississauga East—Cooksville, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask my hon. colleague the following question.

There are statements made by people around the world, especially on the Russian side, that bring the issue of Ukrainian unity into question. They want to deflect the real problems that exists in the country. They say these issues exist because there is a big difference between eastern Ukraine and western Ukraine, and recently Mr. Zhirinovsky, the deputy speaker of the Russian lower house or Duma, said that if Stalin had divided Ukraine and taken it apart, there would not be the problems being experienced today.

Would my hon. colleague like to comment on how important it is for Ukrainians and the country of Ukraine to stay together despite the differences. Every country has its differences.

[Bob Dechert, Conservative, Mississauga—Erindale, ON]

Mr. Speaker, what was going through my mind earlier when my colleague, the member for Mississauga East—Cooksville, spoke was that this was a man who actually knows what he is talking about. He lived under a repressive communist regime in Poland, similar to the regime that people lived under in Ukraine during the Soviet times. He knows what it means to throw off the shackles of the old Soviet regime. There were always people in Ukraine and have been for decades, and I would say perhaps for centuries, trying to divide the Ukrainian people, but I reject this notion. The Ukrainian people are a distinct people. There is a distinct culture there. They have made great contributions throughout the centuries to the region and they deserve to stay together as one cohesive unit, not suffer the repression they have suffered in the past, and go forward, hopefully in a unified integrated way with Europe, with the opportunities that the people of Poland have had since their independence.

[Alex Atamanenko, NDP, British Columbia Southern Interior, BC]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to mention that I will be splitting my time with the member for Abitibi—Témiscamingue.

First off, I would to thank the member for Selkirk—Interlake and the member for Etobicoke-Centre for having requested tonight's emergency debate.

It is of the utmost importance that we have such a debate tonight, because tomorrow morning, the Ukrainian Parliament will be in session. Everyone is wondering if it will enact martial law, which may include a blackout.

It is important that we are doing this tonight.

I would like to start by thanking my relative, Vitaliy Milentyev, who is the current president of the Alberta chapter of the Canada-Ukraine Chamber of Commerce. I have been receiving updates on the tragic situation in the Ukraine from him. In fact, last week my brother George and I were able to watch news clips from Ukraine when we spent some time with Vitaliy. What we saw was very disturbing.

I would like to share some background information that he sent to me today. However, first I would like to thank the Ukrainian Canadian Congress for its excellent briefing notes, which will be reflected in the debate tonight.

Also, I would like to emphasize that the outrage we are seeing in Ukraine is not confined to Kiev. It has been several days since anti-government protests have swept across central and western Ukraine, taking over regional administrative buildings. On January 25 and 26, two key industrial eastern cities, Zaporozhye and Dnepropetrovsk, which are traditionally seen as largely supporting the ruling party, have seen thousands of people rally on their main squares. In Zaporozhye, protestors are chanting slogans like “get out”, “Zaporozhye, wake up”, and they are singing the national anthem of Ukraine. There were also repeated calls for the governor of Zaporozhye region, Oleksandr Peklushenko, to resign. What we are seeing is not something that is confined to one part of Ukraine.

Here is some background information that I received today on what has happened since Yanukovych resumed power in 2010. Being backed by a majority of faithful MPs, he immediately appointed his close allies to the key positions in the country: chief justice of the constitutional court, head of a national bank, head of the ministry of finance, and head of customs and revenue service. Essentially all ministries and government departments are now headed by his subordinates.

The following transgressions of Yanukovych were also observed by the people of Ukraine, covered in media, and yet they have received no attention from the government.

There was the imprisonment for questionable charges of Yulia Tymoshenko and other leaders of the opposition, and key political figures. He first squeezed out the owners of large businesses, then smaller and smaller businesses. Any semi-successful business in Ukraine that shows any profit is now a target for Yanukovych's raider attacks.

Yanukovych's family, in four years, has become one of the richest and most powerful families in Ukraine by far. His son and son's friends are managing the empire. He has used taxpayers' money to build lavish residences for himself in national parks and heritage sites. There have been billions of dollars spent in open sight with absolutely no regard to public questioning of such expenses.

These are examples of what has become of a country ruled by one family.

I also have here a plea for help that I and my cousin Vitaliy received today from a friend of his who represents an intellectual elite of the Ukrainian legal system. He is one of the few judges with consciousness and dignity. Here is what he said:

Dozens of thousands of Ukrainians have been protesting in sub-zero temperatures for over 2 months now. (it's -15C in Kyiv now).

He continued:

Ukraine has clearly been mismanaged. The last “drop in the bucket” was a package of laws passed by the parliamentary majority almost two weeks ago that clearly violate basic constitutional and human rights, freedom of speech and freedom of expression.

The tension is escalating. The area of “Independence Square”...is growing every night. More and more administrative and ministerial buildings are being occupied by protestors. Clashes with riot police have turned deadly last week. Police have started grabbing people (often non-protesting bypassers) and throwing them behind bars. The count of jailed people is in the thousands now.

I fear for members of my family who are also there and involved in this protest.

He continues to say that the “Government of Canada, (along with the Governments of other countries) should immediately interfere and call to seek for compromise as the most realistic approach to resolving the crisis and to prevent any further bloodshed”. It is much easier, according to the judge, “to prevent a civil war than to deal with its consequences (take Syria as the most recent example).”

He also reminds us that we need to remind Yanukovych and his affiliates of the sanctions that can be introduced in the case of escalation of violence and offer political asylum to those clearly persecuted by the government. Dozens of prominent Ukrainian figures who oppose Yanukovych's regime are now under constant pressure by threats from law enforcement, and some of them have unfortunately disappeared. The worst is feared. Some had to flee the country with their families in fear for their lives.

I would like to take a moment to offer a quotation from my newly elected colleague, the MP for Toronto Centre. It is important. She has a good summary of what is going on in the country:

Ukraine today is poised between the establishment of a deeply rooted, hard-earned democracy and a return to bare-knuckle authoritarianism. The outcome is critical for Ukraine, of course, and the Ukrainian diaspora around the world, but it will also have a powerful demonstration effect in Russia, other former Soviet republics, and everywhere in the world where civil society is struggling against dictatorship. What happens in Ukraine matters to the prospects for democracy around the world. The good news is that we can make a difference. In Ukraine we are seeing the struggle for human dignity, for the rule of law, for freedom of expression and association in its clearest form.

I would like to thank my colleague for that. I did not have time to read her whole article.

I would like to run out my time by reading from an appeal of the people of Ukraine to the international community, entitled “...Please Act Now”. It is dated January 24, 2014 at 2:14 p.m.:

This is our last plea for help. Tomorrow they might disconnect our phones and Internet, announce a state of emergency and kill us while the international community remains silent, upholding European values on paper only. People are dying for them in Ukraine, and will continue to die. Citizens of Ukraine, representatives of civil organizations, active participants in the peaceful protest on the Maidan...in Kyiv and across the whole country appeal to the international community, national governments and international organizations to decisively intervene in the current situation in Ukraine in order to help Ukrainians secure peace and civil rights in this part of Europe. We need your help to stop this bloody, brutal and evil war, which criminal government authorities wage against their own people. The response to the protesters' actions by the Ministry of Internal Affairs...Security Forces is outrageous. Police strongly violate human rights, secured by international conventions and Ukrainian legislation, particularly by using live ammunition and water cannons. At least five people have already been killed by sniper's bullets and torture by criminal thugs hired by the authorities to fight activists, and the fate of many others has not been determined. Hundreds of protesters were severely injured, among them dozens of medical workers and journalists, who have been intentionally shot by snipers from “Berkut”(riot police), mainly targeting their eyes. MIA Security Forces have kidnapped the severely wounded right from the hospitals, handcuffed, tortured and humiliated them. We ask you to note that despite the terror against protesters arranged by authorities all over country, and specifically in Kyiv, people's resistance, with only one exception, remains peaceful.

I have learned also that the government has been using what we call les agents provocateurs. In other words, they are hiring young thugs, who are poor or young people who do not have any money, dressing them up and getting them to take part on the side of the demonstrators to make it look as if demonstrators are committing the violence. That certainly has to stop.

I will continue with the appeal:

It has been two long months during which the government authorities of Ukraine have violently reacted to the peaceful protest of millions of Ukrainians. Partial radicalization of public attitudes in Kyiv is the outcome of brutal actions by police during crackdowns on the peaceful demonstrators on the 30th of November and 1st of December, absence of a response by the authorities to the EuroMaidan's demands, systemic repressions towards participants of the protests across the country, and adoption of illegitimate laws, that literally reify dictatorship in Ukraine. Violent resistance started when police blocked a peaceful protest against the abolishment of the rights of Ukrainians for non-violent protest, freedom of the press, freedom of expression, and fair trial.

As I am out of time, I should add, Slava Ukraini.

[Carol Hughes, NDP, Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the content that my colleague brought to the House because it is right from what is happening on the ground. I know he was not quite finished his speech. I know that he wanted to add more, and I am going to give him the opportunity to do that.

Before the House rose, we had a debate on this subject. It was around the same time that we were celebrating Nelson Mandela's life. When we look at the struggles that Nelson Mandela went through, we think about what is happening here today and the troubles that continue.

On that note, I hope my colleague would continue with the additional information he wanted to provide.

[Alex Atamanenko, NDP, British Columbia Southern Interior, BC]

Mr. Speaker, I will not take too much time because there are other questions that I am sure people want to ask.

However, in this appeal, Ukrainians are demanding that the president, the cabinet and the ministers of the Ukraine immediately stop the violence that has been carried out by the ministry of internal affairs' security forces and hired criminal thugs.

They are asking us to come to the Ukraine to assess the situation from the inside and mediate negotiations between government authorities and citizens of the Ukraine in order to resolve the crisis, to send missions with observers to prevent the reification of the dictatorship, to protect fundamental human rights, to safeguard European democratic values in the Ukraine and to also impose personal sanctions on anyone who has been involved in violations of human rights in the Ukraine, ban their entrance into democratic countries, freeze their financial accounts, and to start investigations on money laundering.

That is the plea from the people of the Ukraine to us.

[James Bezan, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of National Defence]

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend from B.C. for his intervention tonight. I also want to thank him because a lot of people often forget, going back to when we came forward in 2008 with my bill for recognizing the Holodomor as a genocide, that he seconded my bill. I have always appreciated his advocacy work on that issue.

As someone of Ukrainian heritage, I know he is quite concerned about what is happening in the Ukraine. He is well aware of how democracy has slowly deteriorated.

Earlier I was speaking about former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who was imprisoned. That this was the first attack on democracy, when President Yanukovych and his regime effectively removed the opposition's voice two or three years ago. The measure that he used to charge her at a show cause hearing was that she had used her power while in office to negotiate a natural gas deal with Russia.

Does the member believe that the same measure, abuse of authority and power, should be used against President Yanukovych?

[Alex Atamanenko, NDP, British Columbia Southern Interior, BC]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for once again initiating this debate and for his hard work on behalf of Ukrainians throughout the world.

My family, like those of many Canadians, has suffered under the brutal Soviet regime. I heard stories when I first went there in 1971, and subsequently, of the brutality of the Soviet regime to the Ukrainian people. It confiscated grain and other goods and actually sent them to support the German empire. However, that is another story.

When we are dealing with someone like Yanukovych, I think he needs to be dealt with in a democratic fashion, but firmly.

The people of the Ukraine have spoken. We need to support them by saying we are going to freeze his assets. We are going to ensure he does not have a chance to escape the country. We are not going to give him immunity like Yushchenko. I did not understand this, but apparently Yushchenko, the former president, was given immunity. He was not thrown into jail. A deal was struck and he was given all sorts of immunity; whereas Tymoshenko was put in jail.

Yanukovych needs to be treated in a democratic fashion, but he needs to be treated firmly. That country has to come back on a democratic path.

[Christine Moore, NDP, Abitibi—Témiscamingue, QC]

Mr. Speaker, before I start my speech, I would like to explain why the member for Abitibi—Témiscamingue, in northern Quebec, is rising to speak to the situation in Ukraine.

To explain, I want to share a little of my riding's history. During the First World War, we were allies with Great Britain. At some point, an order was issued to intern enemies of the state, people who were of German origin, from the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Accordingly, 24 internment camps were set up in Canada, including four in Quebec. The first was set up in Spirit Lake, a small village next to my riding. This was, unfortunately, a strategic place to intern people, because when the camp was opened in 1915, the railway was virtually the only thing there.

Therefore, these people were in the middle of nowhere, in a desolate, tree-covered landscape. In the winter, it was bleak, snow-covered landscape. All that they had to monitor was the railway.

About 1,200 prisoners passed through the camp between 1915 and 1917. For the most part, they were Ukrainians. There were 200 soldiers guarding the prisoners and some civilians worked there. More than 50 buildings were built over two kilometres of land. Twenty-two people died there, and 19 of them were buried in a nearby cemetery.

I think it is important to explain why there is a Ukrainian community in Abitibi-Témiscamingue, as odd as this may seem.

The Spirit Lake camp interpretive centre opened not too long ago, at the start of my term. The Minister of Employment and Social Development, the parliamentary secretary for national defence and the member for Etobicoke—Lakeshore came with me to the opening of the centre to remember and acknowledge these events.

My riding also saw a second wave of immigration after the Second World War. Immigrants from Eastern Europe came to work in the mines and the smelter, and Ukrainians started to come, too. They left their mark on the region. Many buildings were built for the Ukrainian community.

Many people of Ukrainian descent settled in the area. Some changed their names. They cut off the ending so their name would sound more French-Canadian. When we ask about their history, we find out that they changed their name, so there are even more Ukrainians in the region than we may think. They have been in Abitibi since the beginning.

Abitibi's first city, Amos, is celebrating its 100th anniversary in 2014. Ukrainians arrived basically when the city was being built. They were there when the first cities were established. They have always been part of life in Abitibi.

That is why I wanted to take the time to explain why I felt strongly about speaking.

People are still attached to Ukraine. That is why I was delighted, last November, when the Department of Foreign Affairs selected me and my colleague from Etobicoke—Lakeshore to take part in a ceremony marking the 80th anniversary of Holodomor.

My colleague and I were supposed to take part in the ceremony. Holodomor refers to a time in 1932 and 1933 when millions of Ukrainians fell victim to a widespread Soviet famine. A huge number of people died. It is a sad period in Ukrainian history.

This ceremony was important to me, since I am aware of how important Ukrainians have been in my riding's history.

My colleague and I were supposed to leave on November 21. A few minutes before departure, we were told that we were no longer leaving because of what had happened and been set in motion. I want to point out that on November 21, the Ukrainian government suspended its preparations for the signing of the association agreement with the European Union. This news triggered the first wave of protests. Although these protests were democratic, they were violently repressed by the police. Therefore, we did not go to Kiev.

Since then, the violence has continued in a rather marked fashion in Ukraine, even though protesters are peaceful. They want a new truly democratic presidential election.

Some people in my community are affected by the situation. Jim Slobodian, who has worked for years to see the opening of the Spirit Lake camp said that, of course, people are affected when they look at what is happening. Mr. Slobodian, a native of Rouyn-Noranda, explained that his father came from Ukraine in 1920. His father said that even at the time, when he left Ukraine at the age of 16, the Russians were really domineering and that was one reason why he left the country with his brothers. They could no longer withstand this treatment.

Therefore, this situation has a real impact on certain people in my riding. These events affect them and concern them.

Father Lev Chayka, who founded the Ukrainian churches of Val-d'Or and Rouyn-Noranda 60 years ago, is following the discussions on the crisis very closely. He hopes the Ukrainian people's protest will have a positive effect on the European Union. He is also praying that Viktor Yanukovych will step down and elections are held in Ukraine to elect a president who supports the European Union. He also expressed his fear of the Russian government, which, in his opinion, is trying to build an empire. I would like to point out that Father Chayka is 90 years old. He says this is not just about trade, but about building another Russian empire today, as under Stalin.

People are very worried about this situation. What the descendants of Ukrainian immigrants in my riding want for their people is the right to free speech and to peaceful protest, so that they can be proud of their country.

I talked about all of the links with people in my riding. They want Canada to use its position to play a leading role in bringing back democracy as much as possible. We have many connections to Ukraine, so we can play a major role in bringing swift resolution to this conflict. Protesters have been killed, young people like me. It is heartbreaking to think that these people died because they wanted democracy and freedom.

The situation is all the more alarming because people are afraid there might be more violence. We hope that will not be the case; we do not want the protesters to be punished again, nor do we want more young people to be killed during protests.

Canada must play an effective leading role in trying to find solutions to bring democracy back to Ukraine.

[Bernard Trottier, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Public Works and Government Services]

Mr. Speaker, I listened closely to my colleague from Abitibi—Témiscamingue's speech.

In 2012, I went to the opening of Spirit Lake camp. The camp commemorates a very sad time in the country's history: the internment of Ukrainians during the First World War. It is something we must never forget.

It is now 2014. My colleague talked about the leading role that Canada can play in resolving the situation in Ukraine. Can she explain the measures that Canada can take along with like-minded counterparts from other countries to bring freedom and democracy to Ukraine?

What can we do together with allies that share the hopes and dreams of Ukrainians to help the people of Ukraine?

[Christine Moore, NDP, Abitibi—Témiscamingue, QC]

Mr. Speaker, at the very least, I believe we should use diplomacy to take a firm stance with the Ukrainian president.

Then, Canada should start considering the option of imposing sanctions such as travel bans and asset freezes on those responsible for the crackdown. The government should also hold discussions with our allies to determine if other measures should be taken.

I suggest that Canada stand firm and use the political clout afforded to us by the large number of Ukrainians currently residing here, while at the same time relying on diplomacy.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Winnipeg North, MB]

Mr. Speaker, my question is in relation to the question that was just asked, when the member made reference to what we could do with other countries around the world. My question is more specific. Canada does have a strong leadership role that it could play, even if it means going alone. Many Canadians would agree that Canada is positioned strongly enough that it could take targeted sanctions, that we do not have to wait for other countries in order to take such sanctions.

My question for the member is: To what degree does the member believe this? The member for Wascana, back in December, made it very clear that Canada could go alone on targeted sanctions, if need be, and we should be taking those targeted sanctions. We do not have to wait for countries like the U.S. and European countries to take targeted sanctions. What does she feel? Should we wait for other countries or should Canada be prepared to go alone, as we believe?

[Christine Moore, NDP, Abitibi—Témiscamingue, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I believe I already addressed that question in my answer to the previous question.

Canada should start considering the option of imposing sanctions on those responsible, such as travel bans and asset freezes.

I do not believe we should wait for other countries to act first. We can impose sanctions independently. At the same time, we can discuss options with our allies. When it comes to sanctions, however, Canada can act alone at any time, if it so desires and deems it appropriate.

[Philip Toone, NDP, Gaspésie—Îles-de-la-Madeleine, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I truly appreciate my hon. colleague's speeches today in the House.

Indeed, I think Canada has an important role to play in this crisis. We need to assert Canada's power, since after all, we are a G8 country. I think we need to exercise Canada's full authority, especially when it comes to protecting the democratic rights of people in a western country.

The question I would like to ask my colleague concerns the possibility that Canada intervene more directly with its partners—specifically the United Nations, which has not yet been called upon. We do not have a direct role to play with the European Union. However, we have an important role to play in the G8 and with many non-governmental organizations.

What sort of interventions might Canada propose to put even more pressure on the Ukrainian government? Apart from that, how can we participate alongside our partners?

[Christine Moore, NDP, Abitibi—Témiscamingue, QC]

Mr. Speaker, that was a rather long question, but I will try to give a simple example. For example, if there were some sort of co-operation among countries, the current trade relations with Ukraine could be used to add a little pressure. I think there are many possible answers to that question; this is only one example among many, but I would need more time to answer such a long question.

[Chris Alexander, Conservative, Minister of Citizenship and Immigration]

Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the very hon. member for Dauphin—Swan River—Marquette, whose speech will be much more worth listening to than mine.

I recommend that all members stay tuned to this space at the centre of Canada's democracy as we discuss an issue of global moment and importance. It is a political crisis in Ukraine, but is one that has significance for all of us who care about freedom, democracy, and the spread of values that Canadians hold dear in Europe and around the world, and above all, for the people of Ukraine who are living in fear again. They are living in fear that the achievements of well over two decades, and the achievements of Ukrainian civilization over centuries and millennia, may once again be under threat because of arbitrary decisions and because of violence that has been used against them, against ordinary citizens exercising their democratic right to freedom of assembly and freedom of speech in that place that is sacred to all Ukrainians, the Maidan at the centre of Kiev.

I am honoured to be here with so many distinguished colleagues following such an informative debate that has shown how much Canada cares. In asking ourselves why we are here tonight, why this debate is taking place on the first day of this new session in 2014 in Canada's Parliament, we have to look no further than our own history, our own roots, and our own core.

I am looking over at the member of Parliament for Toronto Centre, a new member in this place, who speaks a high quality of Ukrainian. I think her Russian is quite good, too. I can understand her Russian, but the quality of her Ukrainian is certainly second to none in this place and is probably second to none among parliamentarians in NATO countries. That speaks to us as a nation in understanding what Ukraine is going through and in living that reality because of who we are.

Before 1914, 170,000 Ukrainians called Canada home. They opened the west. They settled parts of this country that others were not willing to settle. It was quite cold, from what I understand, even then, and still is. The sod had to be turned. The railway had just been built. Spurs were still under construction.

They stood that test and built a great society in western Canada. Today at least 1.3 million Canadians trace their ancestry to Ukraine. We are proud of their contribution. As the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, I am very proud that in our Discover Canada guide, brought forward by my predecessor, now the Minister of Employment and Social Development, we recall that the first Victoria Cross anywhere in the British Empire awarded to one who was not born in that empire went to Corporal Filip Konowal, born in Ukraine, who showed exceptional courage in the battle of Hill 70 in 1917. He was the first member of the Canadian Corps not born in the British Empire to be awarded the Victoria Cross.

We on this side of the House are proud that Michael Starr, my neighbour, who represented part of what is now my riding, was the first member of a Canadian cabinet with Ukrainian roots. That was way back in 1957 under the great Right Hon. John George Diefenbaker.

We think of Ivan Pylypiw and Wasyl Eleniak, the first Ukrainian immigrants to Canada in 1891. There may have been others before them, but that is what our history records. They were the first we have a record of. Thousands, indeed millions, came later. Today the tradition continues in that we have a first-rate immigration program in Kiev. We have welcomed more students in the past year than ever before in history. Our approval rate from visitors from Ukraine is higher than ever.

A record number of visitors came from Ukraine in 2012 and 2013, getting into five figures. All of this is because we believe in Ukraine's vocation as a member of a greater Europe and as a member of a greater global community dedicated to the principles of peace, freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.

That is why we are here tonight. We are here tonight because of their determination and their sacrifice to which we have been connected every step of the way.

It was not yesterday, and certainly not only in 1991, that Ukraine began its march to statehood. There have been four or five different initiatives and attempts to establish Ukrainian statehood on a firm foundation in the 20th century, and even earlier.

The 1991 experience is important to us, because we understand Ukraine's role in world civilization and in European civilization. It was because of this that Canada was the first country out of the gate. It took some doing, in those dark days at the end of 1991, to be the first at the door of the new Ukrainian state to say, “We recognize your independence. We recognize your dignity among the community of nations. We recognize your aspiration to live the values of democracy to their full potential”. Canada was the first country to recognize a free Ukrainian state in 1991. That is why we are one of the first countries to have a debate in a democratic forum, with all parties agreeing on the thrust of our concern about the current crisis in Ukraine.

Why has it come about? It is very simple. The aspiration of a people to reclaim their birthright and their historical tradition of being at the centre of European and global civilization has been thwarted and is under threat of being put on a side track and taken off course for a long period of time if we all stand idle.

I had the honour of serving our country on two occasions in the Russian Federation. It was a country itself dedicated, at least starting in 1990 and 1991, to democracy in its constitution. Elections have been held. Many Russians, some of whom have demonstrated in recent years, are absolutely determined to see democracy embraced in their country.

The current President of the Russian Federation made a claim some years back that I think all members of the House would find outrageous. He said that the greatest crime, the greatest disaster, the greatest catastrophe of the 20th century was the breakup of the Soviet Union. Shame. Shame on any world leader who would say that. Shame on President Vladimir Putin for having said that in the face of victims of the Holodomor, victims of repression inside and outside the Soviet Union, and victims of sectarian wars to establish one-party violent communist state regimes in all parts of the world. Shame on anyone who would see that legacy, the disappearance of that legacy, and the holding to account of that legacy as a catastrophe.

On the contrary, we on this side of the House, and I hope all members of this place, understand that the fall of the Berlin Wall and the breakup of the Soviet Union were great moments for the triumph of the human spirit and the triumph of values in which we believe. It is those values for which individual Ukrainian civilians are standing up on the Maidan. They are standing up, through their collective aspiration to have an association agreement with Europe, to have their rights protected and to continue the freedom of speech that flourished in Ukraine over the past 20 years but which now has been curtailed and is under threat.

It is for that reason we are here tonight, together, to contemplate what options Canada and other democracies have should negotiations fail and should the blackmail that has been coming from some quarters in Russia, and elsewhere beyond Ukraine's borders, succeed in thwarting the dreams and aspirations of an entire people.

Canada is a country whose foreign policy has always succeeded when we take positions of principle, when we take positions that reflect our own success as a nation, as an economy, and as a free people. It is that position we are taking tonight. It is that principle upon which we are standing tonight, and I am proud to be here with all of my colleagues to speak in favour of a free Ukraine. Slava Ukraini.

We must stand up to bullying in our streets and communities, in Europe, in eastern Europe, and around the world. This is one case when we, as Canadians, must stand up and be counted.

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I heard my hon. colleague talk about principles. One of the options suggested by the Ukrainian Canadian Congress was that Canada accept Ukrainian refugees, especially people who have been injured during demonstrations, in order to provide them with care.

I wonder if my colleague could say whether he agrees that we should provide medical care to people arriving from Ukraine whose refugee status was still to be determined.

[Chris Alexander, Conservative, Ajax—Pickering, ON]

Mr. Speaker, of course my hon. colleague is aware of Canada's offer to provide health care to Mrs. Tymoshenko and to play a primary role in protecting human rights in Ukraine.

In that regard, when Canada talks, people listen. Our development assistance programs have always played a central role when it comes to human rights in Ukraine and the development of justice institutions in Ukraine. Our asylum and immigration programs, including our humanitarian programs are open to Ukrainians at a time when their needs are great.

What we will not do is put ourselves between the two sides, in a void reminiscent of the worst days of the Trudeau regime, when the Government of Canada's policy involved the appeasement of the Soviet Union, which had a policy to integrate Ukraine and a number of other countries into a system based on violence.

We are siding with democracy, the opposition and human rights, and we are not afraid to say so.

[Chrystia Freeland, Liberal, Toronto Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I would first like to thank the hon. Minister of Citizenship and Immigration for his praise of my Ukrainian language skills. We first met in Kiev when he was serving our country very skilfully and admirably as a diplomat. I think that was longer ago than either one of us cares to remember.

The hon. minister said that this is one case when Canada must stand up and be counted and that we are on the side of democracy. I think all of us agree. The hon. minister also said that all parties are agreeing with the thrust of this discussion. I think we all agree with that, too. However, I have a specific question.

It is the position of the Liberal Party of Canada that we should now, in response to the indeed crucial and grievous situation in Ukraine, unilaterally impose personal, directed sanctions against President Yanukovych and his allies in government. That is the clearly stated position of the Liberal Party of Canada. I believe it clearly reflects the thrust of our discussion tonight. Is that or is that not the position of the Government of Canada?

[Chris Alexander, Conservative, Ajax—Pickering, ON]

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member certainly knows Ukraine and she certainly knows Russia, and that knowledge will continue to be relevant to the development of Canadian policy in the months and years to come.

We have said very clearly that all options are on the table. That includes dramatic options. That includes options that have been suggested by members on this side and by our friends and allies. We look forward to being able to return to this place to say exactly what course of action we as a government recommend.

We have also been unambiguous in condemning the government of President Yanukovych for its use of violence, for the command and control arrangements that allowed that violence to be used against innocent protesters, for the lack of due process in passing repressive laws, and we stand by those condemnations with our friends and allies across NATO and beyond.

It is very important to understand the weight of our words and actions and the weight we will have as an international community if we act in concert, in unity. We have seen President Putin gain a certain amount of diplomatic prestige with his work in Syria, where he seems to care nothing for the fate of that civilian population. We have seen him sometimes side with the Iranian regime, countered only by united western pressure to impose some of the toughest sanctions in a generation in that country, which has changed the atmosphere and may yet still lead to a better result in Iran.

On Ukraine, the stakes are as high or even higher, and we, as I think any Liberal government in the past would have recognized, have a strong interest in consulting with our allies and making sure the actions we take hit as hard and serve as truly the interests of Ukrainian people as we can possibly ensure.

[Robert Sopuck, Conservative, Dauphin—Swan River—Marquette, MB]

Mr. Speaker, since our last take note debate on Ukraine on December 10, the situation has escalated to the point where Canada can no longer stand by without taking action. Canada was both shocked and disappointed when the Ukrainian government suddenly announced on November 21 that it would not pursue an association agreement and a deep and comprehensive free trade area with the European Union. This was an abrupt reversal from years of planning and earnest negotiations on the part of our European partners. As millions of Ukrainians agree, Canada believes that the Ukraine's future lies in a free Europe.

One day after our debate on December 10, the Ukraine authorities ordered the use of riot police against peaceful demonstrators in Kiev's market square. The Prime Minister issued a statement to express his deep concern regarding the use of force against Ukrainian citizens who were within their rights to protest and express their opinions. As protesters demonstrated in the hopes that it would change the future of their country and bring them closer to Europe, braving harsh winter conditions to stage 24-hour protests, President Yanukovych again blighted the Ukrainians' faith for a better future.

On December 17, President Yanukovych travelled to Russia to be with President Putin, where he accepted a $15 billion aid package along with reduced prices for natural gas.

Far from calming protesters, this deal had the opposite effect and massive rallies took place in Kiev and other parts of the Ukraine. University students and staff joined in the protests to express their discontent, but Ukrainian officials attempted to apply pressure on the administration students of the Ukrainian Catholic universities across the country, and Ambassador Bennett, Canada's ambassador for religious freedom, issued a statement to express his concern about these attacks on freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of religious educational institutions to operate without undue interference.

As the holidays settled in and a sense of calm took over the main square in Kiev, a prominent Ukrainian activist and journalist, Tatiana Chornovil, was ruthlessly beaten to the point of disfigurement. Ms. Chornovil now requires reconstructive surgery because of the severe beatings that were inflicted upon her. Once again, this move inflamed Ukrainian protesters and revived their determination to fight against oppression and violence.

Instead of showing any willingness to diffuse the situation and negotiate with the Ukrainian citizens, Mr. Yanukovych opted to enact new laws that introduced criminal liabilities for seizing or occupying buildings.

On January 11, Yuri Lutsenko, former minister of the interior, was injured in clashes between police and anti-government activists as he tried to diffuse the situation.

On January 16, the situation in the Ukraine took a decisive turn for the worse when a series of repressive laws was rushed through parliament without a proper vote. These laws substantially limit the rights and freedoms of Ukrainians, constrain independent media and inhibit the operation of non-government organizations. These laws also give new powers to the police and security services. Despite their unconstitutionality, President Yanukovych signed these laws the next day.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs expressed Canada's deep concerns about the new draconian laws. He called on the Ukrainian government to reverse its decision on legislation that would give the government tools to control its population and thwart democratic expression, a situation our minister called completely unacceptable. He said that Canada was ready and prepared to consider all options to make clear on whose side we stand.

Canada condemned in the strongest possible terms the killing of protestors in Ukraine. The deputy minister of foreign affairs called in the Ukrainian ambassador to express Canada's condemnation of the violence used by Ukrainian security forces. The minister stated that continued violence would further undermine democracy and freedom in Ukraine and bring serious consequences. The unrest has now spread well beyond the capital into other parts of Ukraine, with no end in sight.

Even as President Yanukovych attempted to negotiate with the opposition and made several important concessions—the first ones to date, actually—for the Ukrainians these were too little too late. Ukrainians have made it clear that they will accept no less than the dismissal of the cabinet of ministers and early elections.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs also sent Canada's ambassador for religious freedom to Ukraine this past weekend to express our ongoing concerns about the violations of basic freedoms and reinforced Canada's commitment to the Ukrainian people.

While Kiev is under a fragile truce, it is clear that the situation has evolved to the point of no return. Ukrainians have taken a stance for freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

I should make the point that my constituency of Dauphin—Swan River—Marquette has one of the highest populations of people of Ukrainian descent in the entire country, and my constituents are deeply concerned about the situation in Ukraine. They have been watching the situation unfold in Ukraine with increasing angst. Although they are proud of the stance Canada has taken vis-à-vis the deplorable acts of the Ukrainian government, they have made it clear that they expect Canada to hold individuals responsible for the oppression and violence, accountable for their actions.

I would make the point also that I am a child of the 1960s. I remember 1968 when the Russians invaded Czechoslovakia. I am of Czech extraction and my family living in Winnipeg took in refugees from the Czech Republic at that time. So I have a deep and a visceral commitment to the freedom of people of eastern Europe.

Again, when I see what is going on in Ukraine, I am deeply troubled, not just from a political perspective but from a personal perspective. The Government of Canada is determined to continue to assist the Ukrainian people in achieving their aspirations for a fully free and democratic society, while helping to transform Ukraine's economy into a more transparent, rules-based and liberalized marketplace, better equipped to integrate with a more diversified global economy.

The Government of Canada has also made it clear that the actions of the Ukrainian officials responsible for the violence and repressions will not go unpunished.

I should also make the point that I am very proud to be a part of a caucus that has a member like the member for Mississauga East—Cooksville. The member fought on the side of solidarity in Poland. The member has skin in the game. The member has blood in the game, like many of us on this side of the House, and we are deeply concerned about what is happening in eastern Europe. For us, as I said, this is not political; it is visceral.

Our Canadian values and our deep and long-standing friendship with the Ukrainian people demand nothing less of us.