Debates of May 5th, 2015

Iran Accountability Week

[Costas Menegakis, Conservative, Richmond Hill, ON]

Mr. Chair, my hon. colleague makes a very valid point. We cannot take the words coming from the Iranian president at face value. We need to evaluate actions and not words. Our government believes that every diplomatic measure should be made to ensure that the Iranian regime never obtains nuclear weapons. It is frightening to think of what would happen not only in the region but, indeed, through the world should Iran obtain nuclear weapons. Until Canada is satisfied that this is the case, our sanctions will remain in full force.

We will judge Iran by its actions and not words. Canada will continue to defend the rights of those suffering at the hands of the Iranian regime and will be a voice for all those who have been silenced by Iran's repressive actions. While we commend efforts to get Iran to come to the table, everyone can appreciate that we are very skeptical, given that the actions of the Iranian regime do not match its words.

[Lois Brown, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Development]

Mr. Chair, in one of our very first throne speeches, we announced that we were going to establish the Office of Religious Freedom. We did that, and have appointed Dr. Andrew Bennett as our ambassador for religious freedom.

I know that the ambassador has travelled the world. He has met with diplomats, presidents, and prime ministers around the world. I wonder if my colleague has any idea of some of the comments that Ambassador Bennett has made regarding the Iranian regime.

[Costas Menegakis, Conservative, Richmond Hill, ON]

Mr. Chair, I want to thank my hon. friend and colleague for that question and for bringing up a very important initiative of the Government of Canada, the Office of Religious Freedom and indeed Ambassador Bennett who has travelled the world and has met with many leaders, not only around the world but indeed here within Canada, to get as much information as he possibly can so that he can execute his plan of ensuring that human rights are respected everywhere around the world.

While Iran continues to demonstrate its unwillingness to live up to its international human rights obligations, Canada continues to advocate through Ambassador Bennett, through the good work of our ministry of foreign affairs, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the parliamentary secretary, and the entire department for the basic human rights of the Iranian people.

Ambassador Bennett has made it very clear that we as Canadians have zero tolerance for the violation of human rights. We stand up with the people of Iran. It is the people within the borders of Iran who are suffering the most. Those who were fortunate enough to leave and who are fortunate enough to get out understand and see the value of living in a country such as Canada where they can live in peace, tolerance, and acceptance, and in love with their neighbours, irrespective of where they came from around the world, irrespective of the language they speak, irrespective of the culture they have, irrespective of who they are and who they believe in religiously.

Ambassador Bennett is doing a fabulous job for Canada. We need to continue to support that effort, as we all do here in this Parliament, because it is a shining example of what other countries around the world can be doing.

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

Mr. Chair, I rise today to join the debate that we have had in past years during Iran Accountability Week. I want to talk about a couple of aspects in my speech.

Before I begin, I want to say that we have a responsibility here in Parliament to shine the light on human rights. Whether it be in Iran or elsewhere, it is imperative. I have raised this in the formal committee on foreign affairs, of which I am the co-chair, but I want to just underline that I would like to see Parliament actually have a separate committee for human rights that is independent, and the importance of having that. As members know, the human rights committee is a subcommittee of the foreign affairs committee. Frankly, I think we should have a separate committee. It deserves to be an independent committee. I have nothing against the committee right now. It does terrific work. As has already been mentioned, it does work by consensus and it has raised important issues. However, the fact that it is a subcommittee is unfortunate, and I just wanted to make sure that the point is made.

I also want to bring to the attention of the House some recent information that has come to light. One of the leading human rights defenders has just been arrested in Iran. Narges Mohammadi is the deputy head of the Defenders of Human Rights Center, and she has just been arrested. She has been an extremely important human rights defender in Iran. She has been arrested before, but she has just been arrested again as of today. This news is just coming out.

She is the mother of two, and she has been steadfast in standing up against the whole issue of the death sentence, which we have talked about already tonight. She wants to have that abolished. I think it is pretty obvious why we should abolish the death sentence in Iran. She has been speaking out on behalf of those who are not able to speak, and she has just been arrested. I wanted to bring that to the attention of the House, to call for her release, and to support her cause to end the death penalty in Iran. In fact, it is something that we should be promoting around the world as part of our foreign policy.

As I mentioned to the last person who spoke, I was asked to support Iran Accountability Week by taking on a political prisoner, and I have done for the last couple of years. His name has already been mentioned, but I am going to focus my comments on Saeed Malekpour. Last June, people around the world got involved in his case through social media. We have talked about the importance of social media and how it can help in these cases. It was a very basic thing, to wish him a happy birthday last June to bring attention to his plight. There was a hashtag, #HBDSaeed, which went viral. It was very creative, and it brought attention to his plight.

To give some background on Saeed, who he is and how he ended up in prison, he is a software engineer, or a techie, if we will. If he had been able to see the online wave of well-wishers, I am sure he would be pleased with this whole hashtag campaign. Unfortunately, though, he does not have access to basic rights such as computers right now, much less Twitter. For nearly seven years, Saeed has spent every birthday and every other day in a cell in Iran's notorious Evin prison.

In 2008, Saeed was a permanent resident in Canada, with a home in Richmond Hill, as has already been mentioned, and he wrote a blog. He was preparing to begin his graduate studies at the University of Victoria. However, during a trip to Iran to visit his terminally ill father in 2008, Saeed was arrested. He was charged with blasphemy and accused of developing software that was subsequently used by a pornographic network. According to a letter that he was able to smuggle out of prison, he was tortured physically and psychologically, whipped with cables, paralyzed with electrical shocks, and thrown for nearly a year in solitary confinement without medical attention.

When Saeed's abusers finally extracted a forced confession, he was sentenced to death. After four years of heavy pressure from governments and civil society worldwide, Saeed's sentence was commuted to life imprisonment in 2012. This progress is proof of the real power of international opinion and pressure, even within an authoritarian regime like Iran's display of trumped up charges and treatment. We know we can have an effect when we speak out.

It is testimony to the importance of naming and shaming individuals and states that violate human rights, democratic freedoms, due process and the rule of law. It shows it can work, in fact. That is why we are doing what we are doing this week.

Yet this commutation is small consolation to Saeed's sister Maryam, who now lives in Edmonton, and other members of his family, because he has a life sentence. It does nothing to remedy the greater problem of a continued pattern of horrific and unacceptable human rights abuses in Iran, particularly in the Iranian prison and justice systems.

Tragically, Saeed's arrest, sham trial and illegitimate conviction on charges of blasphemy are far from unique. We have heard some of the stories tonight. Freedom of religion and expression are not just essential elements of democracy, they are non-negotiable and non-partisan principles that Canadians support and expect their elected representatives to defend.

The criminalization and punishment of expression, contrary to certain religious interpretations, is totally arbitrary and reprehensible. The imposition of the death penalty or even life imprisonment in such cases is especially egregious and abhorrent.

In Saeed's case, this already illegitimate law was stretched to preposterous limits. If pornography is a crime, Saeed did not commit it. He designed and developed software that was then sold on for further use. He did not determine and was not responsible for how that software was used.

His conviction would be farcical, perhaps even laughable, were it not so appalling. Yet if we are to hold Saeed responsible, it should be to thank him. Saeed's work made it easier for everyday people in Iran and around the world to express and share their thoughts and beliefs quickly, creatively and effectively. His software was all about that. He made the world a bit more free. In doing so, he ran up against those who seek to curtail that freedom, and to couple repressive practices with regressive policies.

President Rouhani has spoken of the need for “constructive engagement,” and the Iranian people have given him a clear mandate for reform. Yet his administration persists in violating and ignoring its own international legal and human rights obligations. So long as Iran prevents and prohibits the free exercise of free speech, its government cannot and will not be accepted or welcomed in the international community.

Two years ago, I was proud to receive unanimous support from all parties for my parliamentary motion marking the 25th anniversary of the 1988 massacre of thousands of political prisoners in Iran, which has already been referenced by the member for Westmount—Ville-Marie. I thank him for his work and his support.

This motion made Canada the first country in the world to officially recognize this mass atrocity in 1988 for what it was, a crime against humanity. Just as we must remember the crimes of the past, we must speak out and stand up against the crimes of the present.

Saeed Malekpour moved to Canada because he loved our country and what it represented. All Canadians can be proud of what Saeed represents. We must not rest until he is home. That is my cause. That is the cause of what we are discussing tonight. That is the importance of human rights protection and those who are human rights defenders.

[Deepak Obhrai, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and for International Human Rights]

Mr. Chair, we all know the hon. member is a passionate defender of human rights. I am very happy to see him participating and working on bringing accountability to the government of Iran.

This is Iran Accountability Week. We are highlighting the abuses that have taken place under that regime and continue to take place. As he has rightly mentioned, there was a sense of hope when President Obama talked with President Rouhani. We figured things would move forward. In P5+1 there seems to be some positive signals. However, I would like to have his opinion on the P5+1. Concern was raised that the Iranians would use this to bypass the other issues, most important, the issue of human rights. We do not want the P5+1 talks to overshadow what the government is doing with respect to human rights of its citizens. That is very crucial. I outlined the executions that were taking place.

I would like to hear his view on the P5+1. While we agree we do not want Iran to have any nuclear weapons because it would pose a regional threat, nevertheless, we do not want to forget the main issue, which is its government's lack of human rights.

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

Mr. Chair, the whole idea of sanctions was to get Iran to come to the table to discuss the issue of nuclear proliferation. That is what the P5+1 process is about, to stop Iran from having access to a nuclear weapon.

We should be cautious but supportive. Everyone wants to achieve the aspirational goal on which we all agree, and that is to stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons in general.

As an aside, I hope the government is fully engaged with the NPT review process that is going on.

It also goes without saying that we have to be vigilant on human rights. Some people suggest that we cannot do both. We must trust, verify and ensure that we are holding Iran to account on the nuclear question. It is absolutely critical. Supporting the P5+1 is important, because what is the alternative? At the same time, we need to be focusing on the human rights conditions and supporting the human rights defenders. One of the most important human rights defenders was arrested today, again.

We need to be focused on this. We need to support the process in which our allies are involved. However, we must not take our eye off the human rights situation in Iran.

We also have to step back for a moment and understand how the Iranian regime works. There are many different layers. Therefore, when we see Rouhani doing the public diplomacy, smiling and engaging, that is one part. Then there is the other part, which is the people who are being jailed in Evin prison and the people who are being executed. We must not forget them. We must stand by them. We must support them.

[Cheryl Gallant, Conservative, Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke, ON]

Mr. Chair, does the member opposite believe that the additional protocol should be signed before Canada considers ratifying any framework being put into place?

[Paul Dewar, NDP, Ottawa Centre, ON]

Mr. Chair, we need to understand that any protocols that curtail abuse are important. We should strengthen the sanctions on members of the Iranian regime who are involved with human rights abuses. We should also look at the nuclear question and what we can do in a positive way to achieve the goal that we all want to see, and that is to stop the proliferation.

This is not just about of Iran of course. This is also about Canada's export of technology to other countries, as well as fuel. There is also the issue of the nuclear safety agreement. I know the Prime Minister was involved a couple of years ago in the international conference, which is so important. Frankly, we could strengthen our resolve there a bit by being engaged in the IAEA for instance.

We should do everything we can to hold the regime to account. We should be vigilant, ensure parliamentarians are engaged, as we are, and do everything possible for Canada to be engaged in stopping the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The last thing the Middle East needs is another player with a weapon of mass destruction.

[James Bezan, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of National Defence]

Mr. Chair, it is a pleasure to be speaking tonight. Some time ago, I co-founded the Canadian Parliamentarians for Democracy and Human Rights in Iran along with the member for Mount Royal. This is Iran Accountability Week, a week to address the fourfold Iranian threat: nuclear; terrorism; incitement; and, as members have heard tonight, Iran's violations of human rights.

I am proud to be part of the Iranian political prisoner advocacy program. Two years ago, I advocated for Mr. Hamid Ghassemi-Shall of Toronto who was released later in 2013. This year, I am advocating for his cellmate.

Let me introduce Dr. Omid Kokabee, a 33-year-old Iranian experimental laser physicist. He attended university in Iran, Spain and Texas. Dr. Kokabee started his second Ph.D. at the University of Texas at Austin in 2010.

In January 2011, Dr. Kokabee went home to Iran to visit his family. It was during this family visit that he was arrested, and he has been in detention in Tehran's notorious Evin prison since. He was sentenced to 10 years in prison for being convicted of the unsubstantiated charges of communicating with a hostile government, that being the United States, and receiving illegitimate funds. These so called illegitimate funds are actually the normal stipend given to doctoral students at the University of Texas.

While in detention, Dr. Kokabee has been subjected to solitary confinement, prolonged interrogations and pressured to make a confession. His sentence was handed down in May 2012, after an unfair trial in a revolutionary court at which reportedly no evidence was presented against him. Dr. Kokabee has publicly stated that he is being persecuted for repeatedly refusing to work on Iranian military projects and helping to fulfill Iran's nuclear ambitions.

The Iranian regime is keeping Dr. Kokabee in prison because he is refusing to help it with its military program. The Iranian regime's objective to build a nuclear program will likely be the cornerstone of a policy to bully other Middle Eastern states. Iran is a destabilizing force in the region, and it has given the West no reason whatsoever to expect that it will use nuclear power peacefully or responsibly.

Dr. Kokabee has been imprisoned for the last three and a half years. He has been denied proper medical treatment. He is suffering from heart palpitations, shortness of breath and chest pains. These symptoms require immediate examination by a cardiologist. He also has a history of kidney problems and is in severe pain. In addition, Dr. Kokabee has been suffering from stomach problems in prison and he has a history of stomach cancer in his family. Dr. Omid Kokabee's precarious medical condition lends urgency to the call for his immediate release.

Dr. Kokabee has also been awarded a number of awards from U.S. science organizations because he has been taking a courageous stand and shows willingness to endure imprisonment rather than violate his moral stance that his scientific expertise not be used for destructive purposes, and for his efforts to provide hope and education to fellow prisoners.

Dr. Kokabee is yet another example of the travesty of injustice in Iran. I call on President Rouhani to exercise clemency, suspend his sentence and immediately release Dr. Kokabee.

There is no greater threat to international peace and security than the Iranian regime. We must not forget the daily atrocities going on inside Iran, and we must continue to draw attention to them on the world stage. The Iranian people deserve the dignity, respect and freedom that they have been denied for far too long.

Although Iran denies the existence of political prisoners in Iran, as we have already talked about tonight, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran reported, in March 2014, that as of January 14, 2014, at least 895 prisoners of conscience and political prisoners were reportedly imprisoned in Iran. This includes political activists, religious practitioners, human rights defenders, civic activists, journalists, bloggers and student activists. The rate of executions in Iran has been increasing over the past decade and saw a dramatic spike after the 2013 presidential elections. Amnesty International has reported that in 2014 Iran had the second-highest rate of executions in the world, second only behind China.

The special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran reported that there have been at least 753 executions in 2014, and credible civil society groups have reported that there have already been at least 329 executions in Iran in the first three and a half months of 2015.

In the shadow of the nuclear negotiations that are taking place right now, Iran has been engaged in a horrific execution binge. For example, 43 people were executed in a three-day period in April alone. Executions are frequently carried out without respect for due process and the rule of law. As members have already heard, Iran continues to act as a destabilizing force in the region by providing economic and material support to the Assad regime, to Shiite militias in Iraq, to Houthis in Yemen, and supporting terrorist entities, such as Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran's human rights record continues to get worse.

What would happen if Tehran were to obtain nuclear weapons? Would a nuclear-armed Iran somehow change to become a positive force in the world? Would it not be more likely that a nuclear-armed Iran would be emboldened, leading to further instability in the region and greater repression domestically? Might a nuclear Iran not crackdown even further on human rights defenders, minority populations and political activists? Proliferation concerns would increase if Iran possessed nuclear weapons, with a risk of possible nuclear proliferation to other countries or even non-state actors. In the Middle East, this is no small concern. Iran not only refuses to recognize Israel's right to exist but has also repeatedly called for the destruction of the State of Israel. A nuclear Iran, one that felt even less accountable to the international community and generally recognized international norms, would provoke an arms race in the Middle East and would be enormously destabilizing.

Iran cannot be allowed to develop a nuclear weapons capability. Iran claims that its uranium enrichment program is for peaceful purposes, but does this claim hold up to scrutiny? Russia is supplying all of the nuclear fuel needed for Iran's nuclear power plant at Bushehr and Russia will do so for any new nuclear power plants that Russia builds for Iran. Therefore, Iran does not need to enrich uranium for these power plants. Nuclear fuel for research reactors and nuclear power plants can be reliably purchased on the international market for pennies on the dollar compared to what it costs Iran to produce enriched uranium domestically. I have to stress that this is an extremely expensive way to produce electricity for a country with some of the largest reserves of natural gas in the world.

The United Nations Security Council deemed Iran's nuclear activities to be a threat to international peace and security under chapter 7 of the UN charter and has imposed sanctions on Iran as a result. Canada has added additional sanctions of its own against Iran and our sanctions regime is one of the most stringent in the world. Iran remains subject to 10 United Nations Security Council resolutions and 12 resolutions of the board of governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the IAEA, for its undeclared nuclear activities. The IAEA board of governors has repeatedly found Iran to be in non-compliance with its safeguards agreement under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Iran continues to be in violation of many aspects of these resolutions which demand, inter alia, that Iran cease all uranium enrichment and ratify and implement the IAEA additional protocol.

In the past, after signing the IAEA safeguards verification additional protocol in 2003, Iran voluntarily agreed to implement it. However, in 2006 Iran ceased to implement the additional protocol. The safeguards verification system depends on all states parties to the non-proliferation treaty to follow the rules. We cannot allow Iran to unilaterally change the rules or it will undermine the global non-proliferation regime.

I have to stress that we cannot be fooled by the charm offensive of President Rouhani. He may be nicer to look at and hear than Ahmadinejad but, as I have already said, executions have gone up. President Rouhani is the same man who was the minister responsible for Iran's nuclear program during this time, and who bragged about fooling the west about its nuclear aspirations. In a speech to a closed meeting of leading Islamic clerics and academics, in 2006, Rouhani revealed how Tehran played for time and tried to dupe the west after its secret nuclear program was uncovered by the Iranian opposition in 2002. He boasted that while talks were taking place in Tehran, Iran was able to complete the installation of equipment for conversion of yellowcake, a key stage in the nuclear fuel process, at its Isfahan plant, but at the same time convinced European diplomats that nothing was afoot.

He stated:

From the outset, the Americans kept telling the Europeans, “The Iranians are lying and deceiving you and they have not told you everything”. The Europeans used to respond, “We trust them”.... When we were negotiating with the Europeans in Tehran, we were still installing some of the equipment at the Isfahan site. There was plenty of work to be done to complete the site and finish the work there. In reality, by creating a tame situation, we could finish Isfahan.

Iran refuses to acknowledge the legitimacy of the UN Security Council resolutions and openly admits to trying to circumvent the sanctions regime, including through ongoing efforts to procure nuclear and dual-use goods for its nuclear program.

I just have to say that this is a regime that cannot be trusted and we have to ensure that everyone here continues to promote human rights in Iran and we also have to ensure that it never gets the ability to have nuclear weapons.

[Lois Brown, Conservative, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Development]

Mr. Chair, I appreciate the things that my colleague has brought to the floor today. He spoke briefly in his comments about the situation in Syria and the regime of Bashar al Assad. We know that Iran is a state sponsor of the al Assad regime. I wonder if my colleague has any thoughts on how this has extended and protracted the war in Syria.

[James Bezan, Conservative, Selkirk—Interlake, MB]

Mr. Chair, there is no question that what we are seeing taking place in the Middle East today, and Syria, in particular, is that we have a regime in Iran that has been contributing to this destabilizing factor.

They have funded both dollars and weapons to the al Assad regime in Syria, to Hezbollah in Lebanon, and to Hamas in the Gaza Strip. They are also providing weapons and support to the Houthis who have started the civil war in Yemen.

There is no question that theocracy, under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini, wants to expand that theocracy throughout the region and promote its warped sense of religion and statehood as a Shia caliphate.

We do have a situation that we need to address. That is why it is so important that we deal with this issue of possible military dimensions that are occurring in Iran and what they are trying to do with nuclear weapons.

If I may, I will continue on with some of the things that we are seeing.

On top of the Security Council resolutions from the United Nations that it has been violation of, the National Council Resistance of Iran, back in 2002, revealed that Iran had undeclared nuclear sites, including a uranium enrichment site at Natanz.

Similarly, in 2009, the world learned that Iran had built a hardened underground enrichment facility in Fordow.

In both cases, Iran only admitted to what it had done once it was caught red-handed. In both cases, Iran was legally obligated to notify the IAEA of these activities in advance.

The rules that Canada and all the rest of the nuclear powers in the world have to follow do not seem to apply to Iran. For more than two decades, Iran has conducted secret prolific and sensitive activities with military applications, with ballistic missile devices, and we can only see that they want to develop nuclear weapons to destabilize the region and, indeed, the world.

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Chair, I think we all agree that the human rights situation in Iran is truly appalling.

There are many problems. There are repeated violations of freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom of expression and freedom of association. There are also violations of democratic norms and principles. The justice system is not working as it should in a democratic society and there have been many reports of torture.

Many of my colleagues spoke this evening about the death penalty. We should all oppose capital punishment at a very fundamental level, particularly in Iran, because unfortunately, that country has one of the highest execution rates.

These are difficulties that all Iranians face. However, in addition to being denied their fundamental rights, some targeted groups face other more specific difficulties simply because of who they are. I would like to give three examples. The first involves homosexuals because we know that sexual relations between consenting adults can carry the death penalty in Iran. That is completely unacceptable. Second, we often hear about the Baha'i minority, which has suffered widespread discrimination, as have all of the minorities, but there is also the Ahwazi Arab minority. According to Amnesty International, last week, over 75 members of the Ahwazi Arab minority, some of whom were children, were arrested by groups of masked men affiliated with Iran’s security and intelligence services simply because of their perceived political views. They were arrested even though they were peacefully expressing their political opinions. Now, no one knows the whereabouts or legal status of some of these individuals or whether charges will be brought against them.

The third group I want to talk about is the women because they too are victims of systemic discrimination. I will read a lengthy quote from a recent report by Amnesty International, which is doing extraordinary work on the ground. We should all applaud their work. In my opinion, this excerpt sums up the entire situation best:

A woman’s testimony in court is valued at half that of a man in legal proceedings and reparations paid for killing or causing injury to a woman are half those payable for same harms to a man.

In short, a woman is worth half what a man is worth. I will continue.

The age of criminal responsibility for girls is just under nine years old but just under 15 years for a boy. Rape within marriage and domestic violence are not recognized as criminal offences. Engaging in lesbian sex is punishable by 100 lashes with a fourth time conviction resulting in the death penalty. Early and forced marriages are common with 41,226 girls between the ages of 10 and 14 getting married, according to the 2013-2014 annual report by the National Organization for Civil Registration, and at least 201 girls under the age of 10. At some universities women are barred from studying certain subjects, ranging from engineering to English literature, as a result of quotas that seek to reverse advances made in the number and proportion of female university students. They also face restrictions on watching sports in public stadiums.

There are currently bills under consideration in Iran that would limit women's access to a range of reproductive services, including family planning, of course. Naturally, we are still very concerned about the human rights situation in Iran. I have to emphasize that the situation is not improving. It actually seems to be getting worse.

Another major concern is Iran's nuclear program. At least in that area there seems to be some hope since the agreement between Iran and the P5+1.

[Some hon. members]

Oh, oh!

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Chair, I am hearing some very strange comments from the other side of the House, comments that are beneath the dignity of this House.

Getting back to this agreement, of course we have to be extremely prudent. Nobody is denying that. We cannot rely on words; we need to rely on actions. As Barack Obama said, this deal is not based on trust; it is based on unprecedented verification. As William Hague, Great Britain's former secretary of state and foreign secretary, said, it is possible to work with Iran and through diplomacy address what appear to be intractable problems. That is the key. When it comes to diplomacy, negotiations are never simple and never easy, but more often than not, they are the only true and long-lasting solution.

I would like to give an example that may not appear to be directly related. I want to talk about the Central African Republic. We learned yesterday that armed groups in the Central African Republic have agreed to release all the children in their ranks and end child recruitment. It is estimated that between 6,000 and 10,000 children have been used as either child soldiers or sex slaves, and all of them have been or will be released. This is huge, and it is thanks to the efforts of UNICEF. That organization did not simply say that those are the bad guys and refuse to enter into dialogue with them. Clearly, it does not agree with what those armed groups are doing, but its representatives sat down and negotiated with them anyway.

Today I spoke with someone from UNICEF who was very proud of what they have achieved. He said that nothing can be done if we do not negotiate. Despite their utter condemnation of the activities of those armed groups, the UNICEF representatives took the time to sit down with them. The final outcome is that between 6,000 and 10,000 children will be released.

A parallel can be drawn with P5+1. Those people did not just say that the Iranians were the bad guys. They sat down, imposed conditions, introduced verification and made sure that they created a regime to move away from any potential nuclear threat from Iran, thereby making the region safer and more peaceful for everyone.

The same is true for human rights. We can achieve things through diplomacy, pressure and sanctions. Those methods are useful.

Through sanctions, dialogue and pressure, we will really be able to help the people of Iran in their aspirations for freedom, peace and democracy.

[Cheryl Gallant, Conservative, Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke, ON]

Mr. Chair, does the member who just spoke agree that, at the very least, Iran should sign the additional protocol before Canada ratifies or comes to an agreement with the framework that is presently being discussed with the United States, P5+1?

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Chair, I imagine that the hon. member across the way, who is so skeptical about diplomacy, is probably alluding to the protocol that ensures that the International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors have unrestricted access to the site.

This protocol is part of the P5+1 agreement with Iran. By concluding this agreement with the P5+1, Iran accepted the procedures and principles involved.

[Carol Hughes, NDP, Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing, ON]

Mr. Chair, I appreciate the comments by my colleague from Laurier—Sainte-Marie. She is known for her work in the international community, and we appreciate everything she does.

She mentioned Amnesty International, which also does good work. I wonder whether implementing the framework agreement on nuclear non-proliferation and a possible far-reaching agreement will require a quick verification to ensure that the terms of the agreement are complied with and that the safety of Canada's allies in that region of the world is improved.

Can my colleague elaborate on the need for a verification process? How important is it for the government to be involved in this process to put in place a model to start this possible verification?

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Chair, I would like to thank my colleague for her question and also take this opportunity to point out all of the extraordinary work that she does too. She is always present and she is interested in the issues. How many times have we had discussions on various subjects? I would like to thank her.

Verification is absolutely essential. With regard to the P5+1, if anyone knows about nuclear issues, they do. They are working on very important verification systems, even though some of the details have yet to be finalized.

Rather doing very little other than shouting from the sidelines, I would like to see Canada get involved and contribute to this verification process. That is essential, and it would provide us with some hope of making a region more peaceful and safe for everyone and all of our allies.

[Carol Hughes, NDP, Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing, ON]

Mr. Chair, I know that Canadians want to be sure that human rights are always respected. Whether it is here in Canada or elsewhere, that is very important to Canadians.

Can my colleague elaborate on the measures that the government should take to advance human rights in Iran? Canadians care about this issue, whether it is in Iran or elsewhere. For example, the government negotiated free trade agreements with countries that did not respect human rights, such as Colombia. If we can advance human rights in free trade negotiations, then we can certainly do so under other circumstances.

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Chair, I would like to once again thank my colleague for her question.

In theory, Canada could play a role and work more actively to advance human rights in Iran. Unfortunately, in a way, Canada pulled the rug out from under its own feet by putting an end to its diplomatic relations with Iran, since this prevents us from establishing a dialogue. As I always say, establishing a dialogue does not mean that we agree on everything. It means that we are talking and that we are talking specifically about the issues on which we do not agree.

The British embassy was attacked. The British government closed its embassy but it did not sever diplomatic relations so that it would have another avenue for putting pressure on Iran, in addition to sanctions and other measures.

In the absence of that, civil society does end up picking up the slack. I mentioned Amnesty International in my speech. Yesterday I had the opportunity to contribute to the campaign of a young man in Laurier—Sainte-Marie. He is 11 years old and is collecting donations. He is going to bungee jump to promote international human rights. Canadians as young as 11 are getting involved. We know that Canadians think it is important for human rights to be respected around the world and in Canada.

I cannot help but mention that today we concluded the debate on Bill C-51 and that a number of my constituents think this bill could potentially violate Canadians' human rights.

[Carol Hughes, NDP, Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing, ON]

Mr. Chair, I wonder if my colleague could talk about how important it is for journalists to be able to share the necessary information with the general public. I would also like her to talk about the importance of freedom of the press in democracies. We know that the government has often tried to prevent journalists from getting the necessary information, even with respect to policies on the Hill.

Could she talk about the fact that journalists and bloggers play a very important role and they should not face the threat of arrest when they try to inform the public?

[Hélène Laverdière, NDP, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Mr. Chair, I thank my colleague again.

Freedom of the press is absolutely fundamental in our democracy and our system of accountability. The Conservative government has developed a strange relationship with the press in Canada. However, things here are nowhere near as bad as they are in countries like Iran and Egypt and in far too many other countries in which the media are controlled or gagged.

This freedom is essential to democracy and the trust people have in their institutions and their own democracy. When that trust is lacking, we inevitably end up with very serious problems, not to mention the ethical problems that arise when freedom of expression, and particularly freedom of the press, is violated.

[John Weston, Conservative, West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, BC]

Mr. Chair, we are blessed to live in a country with freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Debates in this very chamber often swirl around the sacredness of those values and what we must do to protect them.

People who serve in uniform commit their lives to defend those values. I know this well as a son of a father who ended up as a prisoner of war, committed to those freedoms.

History suggests that the people of Iran share Canadians' high regard for democracy. Cyrus the Great was one of the first law givers of ancient times, a king who liberated the Jewish people from captivity under the Babylonians. In the early 1950s, then prime minister Mossadegh led a democratically elected government at a time and in a region where the right to elect one's leaders was fragile at best.

As the first ever government liaison to the Canadian Iranian people, I have come to appreciate contributions of people of Iranian background to the cultural fabric of our Canada, people like Davood Ghavami, president of the Iranian Canadian Congress, who has worked so hard to introduce Persian culture here in Canada.

People of Iranian background appreciate hard work, good education, art, music, and close families. Women of Iranian background in Canada have demonstrated great leadership. I think of Nassreen Filsoof, head of the Canadian Iranian Foundation, and the human rights advocate Nazanin Afshin-Jam Mackay, for instance.

There is tension today between the governments of Canada and Iran, tension that is at odds when judged against the natural affinity between the people of the two countries. Canada rightly holds the Iranian regime to account for breaching international nuclear proliferation guidelines, for supporting terrorist organizations, for destabilizing the region, and for human rights abuses against its own people. Tonight it is Iran's human rights record that is the main subject of our deliberations in this great chamber.

Despite President Rouhani's diplomatic engagement and the ongoing nuclear negotiations, there has been no indication of any transformative shift in Iran's policies and activities. The president and members of his administration continue to make public statements inside Iran and to international audiences in support of rights and freedoms. However, there has been no evidence of improvements, and the state continues to undertake serious and systemic human rights abuses.

As Canadians, we believe Iran should be judged by its actions, not by its words. The Iranian regime continues to flout due process and the rule of law, and seriously restrict freedom of expression, assembly, and association, consistently attacking human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists, and bloggers.

I thank the many colleagues of all parties in this chamber tonight with whom we stand together against those abuses against the oppressed people of Iran.

I would like to make special mention of my colleague, the member for Westmount—Ville-Marie, who has been a driving force in recognizing Iran Accountability Week. He and others have pointed out that the death penalty is used frequently in Iran. In a three-day period last month, 43 people were executed. Persecution of the Baha'i people in Iran, a religious minority, has gotten worse. We know of more than 900 political prisoners in Iranian jails, which means there are probably many more.

To be perfectly blunt, the situation of human rights in Iran has not improved since the election of President Rouhani in June 2013 and has shown clear signs of deterioration on several fronts.

The discussion of liberties can be very theoretical, and so it is important to bring it down to ground level. To speak of 900 prisoners makes our minds reel and stretches our imaginations. Therefore, the genius of Iran Accountability Week is that each of us participating parliamentarians pairs up with one Iranian political prisoner to highlight that person's plight and to personalize the situation better, for the world to see.

It is always difficult to put theory into practice when it comes to human rights. It is too easy for us here in Canada, where we enjoy freedom and equality, to forget the suffering of people who are oppressed by a dictatorship. To avoid an overly theoretical discussion, I suggest that we put ourselves in the position of someone jailed for their political convictions.

Based on information provided to me by Ms. Afshin-Jam MacKay, I am going to share the story of Behnam Ebrahimzadeh who was in prison for five years for being a workers' rights activist, as well as defending children and human rights in Iran.

As Behnam's family recounts, this Nowruz, or Persian New Year, was the fifth for the family without Behnam by their side. He is in ward 2 of Rajai Shahr prison, known as Dar Al Quran. Originally he was sentenced to 20 years in prison, but after a huge public outcry, his sentence was reduced.

However, as his sentence was coming to a close, Judge Salavati, at branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran, resentenced him to nine years and four months on brand new charges of colluding with the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran, a banned opposition group, and spreading propaganda against the regime by contacting Mr. Ahmad Shaheed, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Iran.

Behnam categorically denies any and all connection with the Mojahedin. It is impossible to prove the negative absolutely. Although he is not a murderer or a thief, he is housed alongside dangerous common criminals in this ward, and as a result his safety is threatened regularly. He suffers from arthritis in his neck, and further due to the continuous pressure put on him inside prison and long periods of solitary confinement, he suffers from intestinal and kidney bleeding, for which he is denied medical help by prison authorities. He is denied even a painkiller.

Sadly, Behnam's only child, Nima, is suffering from leukemia. Behnam is denied any visitation with his family and child. His family thanks all the peace-loving human rights advocates in Canada, Iran, and around the world for our support. Together, we believe that continued pressure on the Iranian authorities increases the likelihood of the release of Behnam and many like him.

It is our duty to inform the public and human rights bodies about his imprisonment and torture for simply defending workers, children, and human rights.

In Canada, our heroes are mainly hockey players, musicians and leaders of civil society. Iranians count many poets—such as Hafez, Saadi, Rumi and Omar Khayyam—among their national heroes.

I greatly admire Saadi, who lived in the 13th century and whose words are inscribed on the wall of the United Nations building in New York. The poem is called Bani Adam or Children of Adam. It tells us that men and women around the world are one, and says that if one person suffers, all of humanity suffers with them.

Saadi's poem, famous among Persian people, relates so poignantly to why we are here today. As he put it:

The children of Adam are limbs to each other,
Having been created of one essence and soul,
If one member is afflicted with pain,
The other members uneasy remain.
If you have no sympathy for human pain,
The title 'human' you cannot claim.

These are strong words, and they communicate a universal truth of our moral responsibility to champion the cause of those who suffer, as we now champion those in prison in Iran.

Given that we know of hundreds of political prisoners there, we can assume there are many more about whom we do not know, and others living daily in fear for their freedom and their very lives.

Saadi points out the significance of even one political prisoner. In my case, I have chosen Behnam, suggesting that he represents all those who suffer in oppression, in Iran and elsewhere. My colleagues in this House tonight and my friends who fight for freedom in Iran and elsewhere can all agree with this sentiment. We ask President Rouhani and other members of the Iranian government to let Behnam and other prisoners of conscience free. Saadi would cheer us on.

In my role as government liaison to the Canadian Iranian community, I have come to love Persian poets. I have written a poem each Nowruz, and one especially for this evening. It is called A Poem for a Prisoner.

Eight hundred years ago, the poet Saadi said it best;
He said that feeling others' pain can oddly make us blessed.
He sensed that in our souls a link unites us all as one,
That we are all one family beneath a common sun.

Saadi's words in Bani Adam reach us all today—
People here in Canada; people far away.
It's a foreign government whose abuses we despise.
Those who suffer its abuse are brothers, in our eyes.

Canada seeks justice, and we'll shout it from the heights;
Our Government opposes those who menace human rights.
But while we challenge tyranny wherever it may reign
We sing with Saadi soulfully his powerful refrain.

It's the bully government that we summon to account.
It's not a quarrel with Irani citizens we mount.
Our quarrel with the foe relates to government, it's clear;
Our bond with Persian people is healthy and sincere.

Mossadegh and Cyrus stood for freedom at the base;
Iran will learn to smile again, extend aazaadi's face.
Oppose the government we will—but Saadi said it best;
We share with Persians eshgh, uniting East and West.

[Marjolaine Boutin-Sweet, NDP, Hochelaga, QC]

Mr. Chair, the Conservative government talks about human rights in Iran and says many things in that regard.

However, I would like to know whether the government is making actual efforts to ensure that progress is truly being made on human rights in Iran. Are there concrete measures to back their words?

[John Weston, Conservative, West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, BC]

Mr. Chair, I thank my colleague very much for her question.

I think that we are all working together this evening to move beyond words and identify concrete measures. For example, the Munk School of Global Affairs at the University of Toronto supports a radio program for Iranian citizens. Our Minister of Foreign Affairshas brought forward a number of initiatives to the United Nations and other international organizations.

We continue to be the friends of the oppressed in Iran, and the people of Iran know that they can count on the Canadian government.