Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament April 1997, as Bloc MP for Bourassa (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 1997, with 33% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Canada Labour Code March 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, Bill C-66 provides that the right to strike or lockout will be subject to the holding of a secret ballot vote during the previous 60 days and the giving of a notice of at least 72 hours.

This is a very anti-union and unfair provision for workers and unions. The right to strike is being subjected to so many conditions and restrictions that the next step will be to eliminate this right.

First, the right to strike and the right to lockout are put on the same level. However, the right to strike is exercised by a group of workers. There has to be a majority vote. But in the case of a lockout, there is no vote. A company official decides when to lock employees out, which is unfair.

Then, a secret ballot vote must be held. This means that the union must convince workers that the offer is not acceptable, that the ultimate recourse against the employer is to take a strike vote. This is not easy for unions. During my years with the FTQ, the Quebec federation of labour, we had to convince the majority of workers of the need, at some point, for a strike vote.

Meanwhile, the employer who works every day with a group of employees may sometime exert undue and unwarranted pressure to convince them of the opposite, of the fact that they must not go on strike, that working conditions are acceptable, that the offer is an excellent one, etc.

Worse still is the fact that, to have the right to strike, the vote must be held at most 60 days before the strike. This means that if negotiations last for months, and even years, several consecutive strike votes will have to be held. This is unfair for unions. Unions should have the right to assess the situation and to set a date for a strike vote. The union should also be the one deciding when the vote will apply and when the strike will begin.

Not only must this secret ballot vote be held within 60 days of the strike, but an advance notice of at least 72 hours must be given to the employer. This is going too far. One wonders what will happen to the right to strike in Canada, a right that is provided under the Canada Labour Code. For all intents and purposes, it will be almost impossible to go on strike with so many restrictions.

There are conventions under the International Labour Organization that recognize the workers' right to strike. This provision, introduced by the government as an amendment to the Canada Labour Code, goes against the ILO principles that recognize the right to strike.

I wanted to express my absolute opposition to these very unfair and anti-union provisions.

Canada Labour Code March 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I rise in the House to support the motions of the Bloc Quebecois on Bill C-66, an act to amend the Canada Labour Code. The first motion concerns renewal of the previous collective agreement until the new agreement is signed.

This provision did not exist before in Quebec, and this certainly caused a lot of problems. We were faced with a legal vacuum. Do the employer's management rights apply during this interval? Can the employer fire employees without observing the collective agreement? Finally, thanks to the labour movement's demands, the labour code was amended.

In Quebec today, there is a provision for tacit renewal of a collective agreement until the new agreement is signed and comes into effect. After expiry of the previous collective agreement, it can sometimes take a long time, months and even years, before the new agreement is signed. There must be some degree of stability in labour relations during that time.

The second motion of the Bloc Quebecois concerns technological change. This is a very important question. During the past 20 or 30 years, we have seen spectacular technological changes taking place in business and industry. Of course, employees want to have some control over the technological changes that in most cases affect them to a very considerable extent. On the other hand, employers want to be in full control of these changes.

I agree with the request by the Bloc Quebecois that unions be given reasonable notice before such changes are introduced. Sometimes when technological change occurs, and this has been the case in the past 20 or 30 years, dozens and even hundreds of people have been laid off. People will lose their jobs because new equipment has been purchased and new production processes are being introduced.

Usually when a collective agreement is signed, labour relations and terms and conditions of employment remain stable until the new agreement is negotiated. Most labour codes provide that technological changes can be negotiated even if the collective agreement has yet to expire.

The United States has legal provisions that are sometimes very advanced, and the Canada Labour Code would do well to take a leaf from this legislation. The important thing is to associate workers with the introduction of these changes. Sometimes the changes do not work because they were introduced unilaterally by the employer without the consent of and without prior notice to the workers.

As the hon. member for Hochelaga-Maisonneuve said earlier, the CNTU submitted a brief which contains excellent recommendations in this respect. Prior notice should be given before proceeding with such changes. It is imperative to negotiate. If an agreement is reached, the changes may proceed, but if not, the parties may avail themselves of their right to strike or lock out. It is equally important to agree on the concept of technological change because definitions vary in some labour codes.

We need a definition that is sufficiently broad to cover fundamental technological changes. A notice of technological change must state all the necessary information to be assessed by the unions and the workers, with detailed explanations. This information must include the costs, the impact, especially on the employees, as well as a schedule. This is why I totally agree with the motion introduced by the Bloc Quebecois.

Since I still have a few minutes left, I would like to briefly mention a problem that we have in my riding. I am referring to Zellers, which announced last week that it will be closing its distribution centre in Montreal North and laying off 379 workers. This is a tragedy for Montreal North, where a third of the

population is already unemployed. Poverty in my riding is at a very high level.

Zellers has made huge profits. Along with its parent company, the Bay, its sales exceeded $1 billion in 1995. Zellers now wants to close because the building is too old. In recent years, Zellers has introduced technological changes which have been accepted and implemented by the unions. It now claims that the building is too old. Most of these jobs will go to Ontario, to Scarborough in particular. This closing will generate incredible suffering.

I think the federal government certainly bears some responsibility for this closing. The Liberal government was elected on a promise that it would create jobs, jobs, jobs. Now, jobs are eliminated everywhere, at Greenberg's, at Steinberg's last year, at Eaton's and now at Zellers.

I call on the Minister of Industry to try to convince this company to change its decision and remain in activity in Montreal North. I also plead with the President of the Treasury Board, who pays regular visits to Quebec to tell people that this is the government that created the greatest number of jobs, even if this is not the case at all. There is more unemployment today than under the Conservative government.

Above all, I call on the Minister of Labour, who introduced this Bill C-66 in the House. His riding is next to my riding of Bourassa. He represents the riding of Saint-Léonard and comes over in my riding to play politics, to support the Liberal candidate. He should also take care of problems like job creation and the closing of Zellers in Montreal North. This is a human tragedy. We should all make efforts to ensure that Zellers remains in activity in Montreal North and, most of all, to stop the transfer of jobs from Quebec to Ontario.

I think that is what the federal government says, especially today, as the President of the Treasury Board accused us of creating instability. It is the federal government that is really creating instability, when it says that there is a separatist in Quebec and that it discourages entrepreneurs. This is not true. There is a lot of instability in Korea, but this country has never had as much foreign investment. The same thing is true for China. In China, there are human rights violations, but everybody wants to invest in China.

This is an excuse. I urge the federal government to get involved in these matters to try to keep Zellers in Montreal North.

Zellers March 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, Zellers just announced the final closure of its distribution centre in my riding of Bourassa.

In the name of corporate restructuring, 379 employees will lose their jobs in Montreal North, a community which is already struggling with more than its fair share of unemployment and poverty as it is. Some of the jobs will be transferred to Toronto, where Zellers moved its head office in 1996. With its anti-Quebec policies, the federal government is largely responsible for this closure and the resulting human tragedy.

To Zellers employees, I offer my support and solidarity. Of the federal government, I ask that the necessary steps be taken to get this company to reconsider its decision and remain in operation in Montreal North, where they have a well-trained, skilled and qualified workforce.

Canada Labour Code March 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I wish to support the motion tabled by the hon. member for Hochelaga-Maisonneuve, especially where it concerns the CLRB, the Canada Labour Relations Board.

At one time I wrote to the minister responsible for this board about the problems facing this body, the lack of leadership shown by the chairman and the lack of representative members on the board. That is why I support this motion, which asks the minister to appoint board members from lists provided by management and labour.

In Quebec we do not have a labour relations board. We have an office of the labour commissioner-general. So we have one person who hands down a decision. However, we do have grievance adjudicators, who are appointed from lists submitted by employers and the unions.

I think this would also be a way to limit the use of patronage appointments, thus giving the board far more credibility with labour and management.

I would also like to point out that unfortunately, this bill contains no provisions for federally regulated businesses concerning the preventive withdrawal of pregnant women, especially the many pregnant women in the federal public service. We are not discussing part II of the Canada Labour Code, but amendments to part I.

Nevertheless, I want to emphasize the need for passing legislation as soon as possible concerning the preventive withdrawal of women. I know that a petition to that effect is being circulated throughout Quebec.

It will soon be March 8, which is International Women's Day. As you know, women are becoming increasingly aware of this fundamental right, which all women have in Quebec in provincially regulated businesses. I fail to see how a woman working for the provincial government can have this right while a woman in the same building who works for the federal public service does not. I will continue to insist on this in the weeks to come.

I also support other demands put forward by my colleagues from Mercier and Hochelaga-Maisonneuve, especially the need for including provisions dealing with technological change in the Canada Labour Code.

There is some legislation in Quebec that contains very clear provisions on technological change, but these should also be included at the federal level. I know that many unions have been able to negotiate very clear cut and advanced provisions on technological change. However, not all unions are in a position to negotiate such provisions, hence the need for providing specific provisions on technological change in the Canada Labour Code.

Once again, I wish to commend the hon. member for Hochelaga-Maisonneuve on the fantastic job he has done on the subject as the official opposition's labour critic. Congratulations.

Canada Labour Code March 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I would like to take part in the debate on Motion No. 2 regarding Bill C-66, and in particular on RCMP members' right to unionization and to collective bargaining.

I have, on a number of occasions, taken part in the debate and asked that the Canada Labour Code be amended in order to allow RCMP members to unionize, like any other federal public servants, and like any other police force in Canada. Members of these police forces have the right to unionize. Why deny members of the RCMP this legitimate right?

The International Labour Organization gives all wage earners without exception the right to unionize. But in Canada, a country espousing the principles of the ILO, a police force that is very important to the country is denied this right.

I think that labour relations at the RCMP would benefit from collective bargaining, discussion of working conditions by the parties, and a collective agreement. I think that there would be advantages to RCMP management and members alike. I am in favour of the RCMP's right to unionization and collective bargaining.

Social Assistance For Failed Refugee Claimants March 3rd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I am happy to have this opportunity to speak to Motion M-126, tabled on February 27, 1996 by the member for Calgary Northeast.

With this motion, the Reform member is asking the federal government to enter into discussions with the provinces in order to limit the social assistance available to failed refugee claimants who appeal or challenge the ruling concerning their status. Furthermore, the motion also suggests that immigrant and refugee aid societies be responsible for supporting and helping these individuals.

This motion is typical and representative of Reform values and of its anti-immigrant and anti-refugee policy. That party is hostile to strangers and minorities. It disregards the history of Canada and forgets that it was built on immigration and that it needs immigrants to survive as a prosperous nation. That is the case especially in Alberta, where the member's riding is located, and in the other western provinces.

Is the author of this motion unaware of the fact that social assistance comes under provincial jurisdiction and that the federal government has no jurisdiction whatsoever in that area? Ottawa has no business interfering with the rules governing access to social assistance. Therefore, this motion is unacceptable because it leads to direct federal interference in an area of provincial jurisdiction. Also, this motion transfers the financial onus from governments to immigrant and refugee aid organizations, which is totally unreasonable and unjustified.

We must remember that these not-for-profit organizations lack the necessary funds to take on such financial responsibilities. Since it came to office, the Liberal government has made many cuts to the grants awarded to these organizations. It must be well understood that, according to the motion, only the obligation to provide assistance is transferred to the organizations. Nowhere is a transfer of money mentioned.

The very spirit of this motion is disturbing in that it is aimed at punishing people who are exercising their rights. Indeed, if someone decides to appeal the decision denying him refugee status, his social assistance benefits would be withdrawn or limited. When did our legal system start punishing people for exercising their rights?

The Reform member's motion also goes against the universality principle, which is fundamental to our social security system. Why should a fundamental right be denied to a group of people, in this case refugee claimants? Yet, the Supreme Court of Canada clearly ruled that these people are protected by the Canadian charter of rights.

Refugees do not choose their situation, let alone to live on social assistance. These people are already in an extremely precarious position. Consequently, withdrawing or limiting their only source of income is totally unacceptable. Moreover, we see that social assistance benefits have been reduced throughout Canada, particularly because of Ottawa-imposed cuts in social transfers to the provinces. If an additional reduction is made, we may ask ourselves what tiny amount will ultimately be left. Do we want people to die of hunger in this so-called "best country in the world", as the Prime Minister likes to claim?

Refugee status determination is incumbent upon the federal government, more specifically the immigration and refugee board, whose management and administration leave much to be desired. Time frames and delays in this matter are too long.

I recently questioned the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration about this. Her answer showed very little will to act to ensure that less time was needed to process refugee status claims. At present, it generally takes more than a year, and often as long as two, three, four or more years. That is unacceptable.

Since the Liberal Government was elected in 1993, the refugee claim backlog at the IRB has risen to over 30,000, a 75 per cent increase, and more than half of this number is in Montreal. This is especially unacceptable since the number of claimants has diminished these past few years. The IRB should work on stepping up productivity and enhancing its efficiency. Board members should be required to process a larger number of claims each year.

The 140 or so members currently process 140 claims per year on average. That is not enough. This excessively long turnaround time and the lack of productivity at the IRB and the Department of Citizenship and Immigration are responsible for the skyrocketing cost of refugee status determination.

The minister should also put an end to the patronage system used to appoint IRB members. So far, the best qualification for getting appointed to the board was to be a member of the Liberal Party or a defeated Liberal candidate in the last election, a contributor to the Liberals' campaign fund or a friend of the Liberals.

Meanwhile, many claimants require social assistance from the provinces, which end up footing the bill for the federal government's negligence and neglect, as well as for the unreasonable backlog at the IRB. Citizenship and Immigration Canada is also responsible for issuing work permits to refugee claimants. Often, permits are denied or take forever to be issued.

The vast majority of these individuals want to work. They are prepared to take any job that will earn them a livelihood. Only as a last resort do they apply for social assistance benefits.

It is imperative that a fair, efficient and, more importantly, diligent system for the processing of refugee claims be set up. Those whose claims are legitimate should have their status confirmed within a reasonable length of time, so as to minimize costs and the time these people are held in limbo.

All the federal government has to do is refund the provinces the expenses generated by the arrival of refugee claimants. Ottawa has sole responsibility for determining the rules and outcome of the refugee status determination process as well as for more general issues, such as admission to Canada and the return of refugees.

Why should the provinces, including Quebec, have to pay for providing refugee claimants with reception and support services, including health care? I said, and I repeat, that the refugee status determination process is a federal responsibility.

These people should have access to basic financial support when in need, to legal assistance, temporary housing, elementary and secondary education for children and language training, in French in Quebec and English in the other provinces. Funding for these programs must come from Ottawa.

For all these reasons, we are unable to support either the principle or the letter of Motion M-126.

Zairian Refugees February 18th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, instead of taking refuge behind a phantom committee, the minister ought to face up to her own responsibilities.

Is the minister aware that she is committing a flagrant injustice toward the Zairian refugees, whose country is experiencing serious instability, while maintaining the suspension of deportations to Rwanda, Burundi and Afghanistan?

Zairian Refugees February 18th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration.

The minister has decided to resume expulsions of refugee claimants to Zaire, while the authoritarian regime and the civil war in that country continue. The minister is showing a flagrant lack of compassion and humanity toward these persecuted people.

Can the minister explain to this House just how the political situation in Zaire has improved to such a point that she can now resume expulsions of refugees?

Indian Act Optional Modification Act February 18th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak today to Bill C-79, which amends the Indian Act.

This bill allows bands so wishing to amend certain provisions of the Indian Act. We are looking at the reform of a bill passed over a century ago. That was a long time ago. The amendments concern 45 of the 120 sections of the Indian Act.

The main areas affected by the changes are estates, new powers to band councils, electoral procedures, infractions and the application of criminal law on reserves. For example, the chief and the band council have a three year mandate; we do not know why. The

minister has the power to annul an election; we do not know the reason for that either.

Because the new powers this bill confers are optional, only the nations so requesting will be covered by this new legislation. The others will remain under the old one.

This is a bad bill. The report of the Erasmus-Dussault royal commission of inquiry noted the bill was outdated and backward and said that amending it was not the way to establish a new relationship between natives and non natives.

With Bill C-79, Canada returns to its colonial past with respect to its aboriginal peoples. At the time, the only aim of the Indian Act was to assimilate the native peoples. This bill does not even have the approval of those primarily affected by it-the native peoples. In December 1996, of 610 aboriginal communities, 542 came out against this bill. In other words, more than 85 per cent of the First Nations categorically reject the process set in motion by the federal government in this respect.

How can the government go ahead when the vast majority of those affected oppose its proposal? Many of the commitments the Liberal Party of Canada had made to the aboriginal people before the election were not fulfilled. Even the aboriginal people involved in developing the election platform set out in the red book made sure to publicly dissociate themselves from the Liberal Party of Canada when they saw this government's attitude and behaviour toward the First Nations.

There is no mention anywhere in the seven pages of promises relating to the aboriginal people in the red book of any amendment to the Indian Act. Where does this initiative come from? The red book states at page 98: "A Liberal government will develop a more comprehensive process for consultation between federal ministers and aboriginal representatives with respect to decision making that directly affect First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples".

This is another example of a serious consultation problem on a bill that concerns specifically and directly aboriginal peoples. This approach is contrary to the red book, which goes on to say: "It does not make sense for the federal government to be unilaterally making policy or budgetary decisions that affect the lives of aboriginal people, without their consent".

The fact of the matter is that it is the core of the commitments made to the aboriginal people that this government failed to honour. Where is the "new partnership", the "mutual respect", and the "participation of aboriginal people in the decision making process" this government had promised before the 1993 election?

On November 21, the report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples was released. This is a comprehensive, important and interesting study prepared by the Erasmus-Dussault commission. I agree with the objectives stated in this report concerning self-government, the recognition of aboriginal nations and territorial claims.

Canada's aboriginal nations are distinct. As such, they must have increased self-government, so as to be able, among other things, to generate revenues and to protect their languages and cultures. Aboriginal nations have a right to be sovereign in strategic sectors such as health, education, language and economic development. It is the only way they can ensure the preservation and development of their own identity.

However, aboriginal people must first be recognized, so that they can negotiate directly with the federal and provincial governments. We must repair the harm done over the years to aboriginal people by the various Canadian governments. After more than a century of Canadian policies designed to assimilate, if not eliminate aboriginal people, it is time the federal government recognized its mistakes, assumed its responsibilities and made the necessary changes.

Aboriginal nations must achieve self-government status to stop being financially dependent on Ottawa. I am pleased that the Government of Quebec negotiated and signed a modern day treaty with the Crees. The James Bay Agreement made it possible to improve the Crees' economic situation and to let them take charge of their development. I should point out that the fair sharing of the land was instrumental in the success of this initiative.

It is well known that I come from Latin America, where Indians make up a large part, sometimes the majority, of the population in certain countries. From the beginning of colonization in 1492, the aboriginal peoples were exploited and exterminated. Today, more than 500 years later, they are still living in inhumane conditions, in unacceptable poverty and misery.

The Erasmus-Dussault report is critical, and rightly so, of the living conditions of native people in Canada, "the best country in the world" as the Prime Minister so often tells us. In Latin America, these conditions are much worse.

I take this opportunity to urge the federal government to put the issue of Amerindians on the agenda when meeting with various countries, whether bilaterally or multilaterally through the OAS, or in other international forums.

International co-operation must be developed in this regard with respect to the Americas. The Erasmus-Dussault report describes and deplores the immense problems confronting Canada's native peoples with respect to health, education, unemployment, housing and crime. Native peoples are a minority representing 3 percent of the population. They are often the victims of racism and discrimi-

nation. In addition, this study points out that over 10,000 households on reserves are without indoor plumbing.

The Liberals have done nothing to resolve these serious problems. Nor will they with Bill C-79. For all these reasons, I will therefore be voting against Bill C-79.

The Ftq February 13th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I want to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the FTQ, or Fédération des travailleurs du Québec, the labour organization where I worked for 19 years, on the eve of its 40th anniversary. It was born on February 16, 1957 out of the merger of the Fédération provinciale du travail du Québec and the Fédération des unions industrielles du Québec.

In actual fact, the FTQ is far more than 40 years old. Its origins go back to the end of the last century. It builds on the old traditions of a combination of European and North American trade unionism, and is heir to the rich history of the international labour movement.

Today, the FTQ represents 480,000 people working in all sectors and all regions of Quebec. In addition to doggedly defending the interests of wage earners of all backgrounds, the FTQ has also taken up the cause of the sovereignty of Quebec. As well, it battles for its membership's right to work and to live in French.

The exceptional contribution the FTQ has made to Quebec society is universally recognized. On behalf of the Bloc Quebecois, I wish it all the best on its 40th anniversary.