House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was firearms.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as Conservative MP for Yorkton—Melville (Saskatchewan)

Won his last election, in 2011, with 69% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Gun Control December 9th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, on Wednesday the Minister of Justice dismissed opposition from provincial justice ministers saying: "We govern by what is right". Reformers are getting calls from the police on the street saying that registration will not work.

If the minister will not listen, why is he consulting? Is his only justification for the registration of 10 million to 20 million firearms that he and the Liberal cabinet think it is right? Can he tell Canadians why he is ignoring such convincing and credible opposition to his proposals?

Criminal Code December 8th, 1994

Madam Speaker, yesterday I addressed a very simple question to the Minister of Justice. I do not think the seven million gun owners out there will be very pleased with his response.

The minister dismissed opposition from the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta justices ministers, saying:

I have a decent respect for the opinion of my provincial and territorial counterparts but in the final analysis this is a matter for this federal government to deal with.

As I said in my question yesterday, the legislative assembly of the province of Saskatchewan has voted unanimously, all three parties, to oppose any further gun controls. The chief law enforcement officer for the province of Saskatchewan has written to the minister expressing his government's opposition. He is concerned about how he will be able to enforce gun control laws which the majority of voters in the province know are unfair and unnecessary to control violent crime.

In September the minister told over 10,000 law-abiding, responsible gun owners that he is not interested in making laws by taking a head count and yet he continually refers to bogus polls, which is a head count, to support his biased view that the majority of Canadians actually support his useless, ineffective gun control proposals.

A Ph.D. with 30 years of experience who teaches an honours research design and analysis course at Concordia University described an Angus Reid poll on gun control as fraudulent,

saying his students found a dozen fatal flaws in the five questions asked in the minister's favourite poll and stated: "Any student who submitted such biased questions would fail the course". This is what the minister is appealing to.

When a Gallup poll asked a well worded question, 69 per cent of the respondents felt passing more severe laws over legitimate gun owners would have very little influence on criminals. This is the exact opposite view expressed in the minister's oft quoted poll.

If the minister is going to govern by polls then he must ensure that the polls ask fair and unbiased questions. Further, if he really believes in implementing laws which reflect the will of the majority, he should at least allow the members of this House to have a free vote on the gun control proposals.

Frankly, I do not think the minister is a big believer in true democracy or direct democracy. I think his answer to my question yesterday proves that specifically.

I specifically asked the minister if he had taken a head count of all the justice ministers in this country to find out which of them support his proposals and which do not. The Minister of Justice answered "we govern by what is right", referring to the Liberal gun control proposals tabled last week in the House of Commons. He dictated that this is the government's assessment of what is right.

What have Canadians learned from the minister's reply? We learned that he has indeed consulted "with officials of every provincial and territorial attorneys general ministry" but that he does not care what they think. He is going to do whatever he thinks is right, not what the majority of Canadians think is right, not what the provincial justice ministers think is right even though they are the ones who have to enforce these ineffective gun control laws, not what the police on the street think is right, not even what the provincial legislators think is right, and certainly not what the majority of our municipal governments think is right.

His only justification for this intrusive and costly bureaucratic, make work project is that he and the Liberal cabinet think it is right. If Canadians thought for a moment that registering their rifles and shotguns and confiscating guns from law-abiding firearms owners might actually reduce violent crime and stop criminals from acquiring guns, they might actually support him. But they do not.

They know criminals do not obey any laws, especially gun control laws, and criminals will always be able to get their guns.

In conclusion, unfortunately democracy and majority rule take a back seat to what the Liberals think is right. Frankly, I fear a government that will not listen to the people a lot more than I fear a law-abiding citizen with a gun.

I ask my question again: Has the minister taken a head count of all the justice ministers in this country to find out which of them support his proposals and which do not and could he share the results of this head count with all Canadians?

Gun Control December 7th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, the health minister has just said that this government works together with the provinces.

My question is for the justice minister. The legislative assembly of Saskatchewan has voted unanimously to oppose any further gun controls and he has had a letter to this effect. The chief law enforcement officer for the province of Saskatchewan is concerned about how he will be able to enforce gun control laws which the majority of voters in the province know are unfair and unnecessary to control violent crime.

The minister said he has consulted. He should be aware he has a major problem. Has he taken a head count of all of the justice ministers in this country to find out which of them support his proposals and which do not?

Unemployment Insurance Act December 6th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, since this private member's bill was first introduced various things have come up which probably would now make it necessary for the bill to be referred to the committee again. One major thing that has come up is that the Minister of Human Resources Development ordered a review of some of the programs under the Department of Human Resources Development including unemployment insurance.

As there are no members of the Human Resources Development committee present since they are presently holding hearings in Quebec and across the country, it is only in order that we allow the bill to be referred to committee again.

The bill is contrary to true insurance principles. The minister made the point that the changes he is proposing would bring the Unemployment Insurance Act back to a true insurance act. It would very much change what we are doing here, and that is why I am supporting the amendment my colleague has made.

If we are to return unemployment insurance to true insurance principles there are various matters in the bill I would like to address that should be referred back to committee to be corrected. If the members opposite would listen to what I have to say, they would agree with that.

If the bill were passed it would be the first time in history that a private member's bill would require the government to spend more money, in the neighbourhood of $3 million. I think members opposite would agree and would probably oppose it for that reason.

As I have mentioned, the people on the Human Resources Development committee are not here now to present what they are hearing in the consultations across the country. I have been travelling with the committee for three weeks and there have been many presentations that would run contrary to the spirit of the private member's bill. For that reason we should be delaying it.

They will be going against the wishes of their Minister of Human Resources Development. The report that will come down in February will indicate that. It would be wise to refer this back to the committee and let it have another look at it.

Some of the things we are hearing that would run contrary to the bill are the following. The people who are coming before the committee as witnesses would like to see reduced the duplication that is presently taking place between the federal and provincial government.

The bill actually does the opposite. It infringes on an area of provincial jurisdiction, that is the area of justice. Even as the member who proposed the bill admitted, the problem is not with unemployment insurance. The problem with serving on duty as a juror falls on the justice system. It should not fall on the unemployment insurance system.

Another thing we are hearing is that the unemployment insurance system should be run more as a true insurance system and should be economically viable. It is not. It should be financially sustainable; we are hearing time and again that unemployment insurance should be self-financing.

Many people are telling us that we need to go back and establish it on true insurance principles. The bill is contrary to that and is why it should be referred back to the committee. The committee now has new insights from what it is hearing from Canadians and would like to probably evaluate the bill with regard to them.

I have a couple of more points. The consultations indicate that Canadians should be treated more equally across Canada. The bill does not do that. Self-employed people would be discriminated against under the bill. They would not be eligible to be compensated by unemployment insurance. They could be sitting beside somebody else on a jury and would not have the same access. There is an equality problem in that regard.

It will open up the system to more abuse. The Minister of Human Resources Development has stated explicitly that he would like to reduce the amount of abuse. Costs will escalate at a time when we cannot afford it. In fact we would be approving a history making government expenditure of $3 million because of a private member's bill.

Would it be possible to somehow look at the bill, send it back to committee and see if some of these things could be addressed? I believe it is and for that reason I am supporting the motion. I hope members opposite and members of the Bloc will support it as well.

The people from whom we are hearing in this consultative process are saying that we have to reduce the number of

opportunities for abuse, not increase them. For that reason I support what my colleague has put forward.

Department Of Canadian Heritage Act October 27th, 1994

I do not know what it would cost to string a piece of baling wire from one corner to the other but I question that. Then I saw a toilet bowl hanging in a doorway and I thought: "That is interesting. I wonder how you use that or why is that regarded as a piece of art?" Things like this are unbelievable.

I had heard of the "Voice of Fire" so I looked for this painting that had cost us over $1.5 million. I walked into a quite large room and saw what I thought was a replica of this painting. I asked the security guard: "Where is the real thing?" He said: "That's it. That has actually cost us over $1.5 million". I told this to the people of Saskatchewan and they said: "Do you mean they are cutting back on health care so that we can have that sitting there?" They asked: "Why are we not being given more of a choice as to whether we want health care preserved in Saskatchewan rather than it being cut back so that it is almost inaccessible to some of the people in remote areas or that art?" I told them: "Ask your government".

We asked the government today and it cannot give us any answers. I think that is very unfortunate.

During the election people made it very clear that multiculturalism is not a priority and that official bilingualism is not a priority. They feel that the government should be looking at these areas.

When I was in the constituency last week I listened to the radio. We hear a lot about how the CBC preserves culture and so on in the province. I listened very carefully to the news reports. I realized as I did that it concentrates on certain kinds of items and in that way it can manipulate what people think about. Then I listened to the so-called balance that it is purported to have.

I heard a very good economist give a three or four minute account of what is happening in the country. I thought good for you, this is excellent. However it was given at 6.30 in the morning when very few people were listening. At 7.45 there was a long interview with someone who had allegedly been abused because of their sexual orientation. In that way they begin to manipulate what people are thinking about.

Eighty per cent of the people in my province want to hear more about certain issues but they cannot get the CBC to address them. Instead, they have to put up with a lot of things that they feel are not priorities in their lives and their society. They feel the government is trying to manipulate what is happening in this country, that it is trying to force a culture upon them that they have no control over. That is why we advocate that people who believe in certain things should pay for them. The government should not be free to use their tax dollars in any way that the elitists can and do.

I was surprised to hear the Liberals and the NDP in the House defending the fact that the elite should be making these decisions because they know better. People are appalled at this kind of attitude. It is high time that it changed. A culture that is paid for by the government tends to be very phoney. It is not a real culture. That is what people are telling me.

Many decisions are made on projects because money is there to spend on those projects. If you can apply for the money you can have the project, but if you had to pay for it yourself it probably would never take place.

My wife is of Norwegian ancestry. Her family has been here for over a hundred years. They have preserved their culture and their language. My wife is fluent in Norwegian. They have preserved these things because it is important to them. There is something real about that culture because it has not been funded by taxpayers' dollars.

My first language is not English or French. Some of you may smile and say: "We can tell that by the way you speak". We preserved our language and our heritage because it was important to us. That is the message people want to get.

Ukrainian people in my area have preserved their culture and their language because it is very important to them. I enjoy going to their gatherings and meeting with them because it is real. The government has not interfered with it. I feel that is the kind of culture we need in Canada. We do not need a culture that is imposed on us from the top, that is manipulated by bureaucrats and people who think they know better what is going on.

If there is one message I hope the government will get, it is that people are tired of the elite in society deciding what is good for them. If we believe in culture we should preserve it.

The government does not really understand what culture means and what people want. We should let people define their own Canadian culture here in Canada. The bill entrenches multiculturalism. It enforces official bilingualism. It preserves funding for special interest groups. People do not want that. They do not want the government misspending their money. The government is giving the impression it is doing something. The bill is symbolic of the fact there is nothing substantive happening in the country today.

Department Of Canadian Heritage Act October 27th, 1994

My friend has mentioned that it is the incompetent minister who hands these things out, a minister who at the drop of a hat will interfere in affairs or try to manipulate the applications of some special interest group.

People are appalled at this. They ask: "Has the government not got the message yet that we want the government to be accountable directly to the people?" The government remains silent and goes on its merry way without answering these questions.

People are not happy with what is happening here. They feel that if bills are introduced into the House they ought to be substantive and they ought to meet the needs of this nation.

Then they ask: "What's going on at that national art museum?" I say to them: "I went there for a visit. I walked through". As I viewed the various so-called pieces of art I wondered if the people of Canada could see this whether they would actually contribute directly to these paintings, this art that was displayed there. I describe to them some of the things I saw. I told them that I walked into a large room which would cost something to heat and to keep under those nice glass domes. I saw what looked to me like a piece of baling wire running from that corner to that corner. I asked the security person if they forgot to put the art in this room and he said no, that is the piece of art.

Department Of Canadian Heritage Act October 27th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to speak on this issue. Many of the questions raised here today are exactly the same as those raised by my constituents and continue to be raised by them.

They are wondering: "What is going on in Ottawa. What are they doing there? What is this government doing? We are wondering what substantive legislation is being considered". When I tell them that the government has brought a bill forward that reorganizes the department, they ask me: "What is that going to do for us? What does that mean?" They ask questions like: "Does this mean that the bureaucrats are going to keep shuffling the paper from one side of the desk to the other?" I say: "I guess it means that they are shuffling bureaucrats. What they are doing is very often unknown".

They would like to know how this improves their situation in Canada. They ask: "Is this going to save money?" We ask the government the same thing. Is this going to save money? We are met with stone silence. The government is not saving money. In fact it is entrenching government spending in ways that will make it more difficult to change in the future. Then they ask questions like: "Does this reorganization make the government

more accountable to us? Will we have more control over the way it spends money in the department?"

I ask the government: Does it do that? The government is silent because it does not. It does not give the people of Canada more control over what happens at the CBC or how these grants that my hon. friend has just listed are given out. In fact it makes it more difficult for taxpayers to have control over how this government spends its money.

Petitions October 26th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I have three petitions all on the same topic.

The petitioners wish to draw to the attention of the House that decriminalizing assisted suicide or legalizing euthanasia could lead to a reduction of patient-physician trust and respect, the degrading of the value of human life and the erosion of moral and ethical values and that palliative care is active and compassionate care which can relieve the pain and suffering of terminally ill persons and families without the danger of suicide.

Therefore the petitioners pray that Parliament continue to reject euthanasia and physician assisted suicide in Canada and that the present provisions of section 241 of the Criminal Code of Canada which forbid the counsel and procuring, aiding or

abetting of a person to commit suicide be enforced vigorously. They also pray that Parliament consider expanding palliative care that would be accessible to all dying persons in Canada.

I concur with and support these petitioners.

Tobacco Taxes October 20th, 1994

Madam Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to speak in favour of this motion tonight, a motion that was brought forward by my hon. friend and colleague from Esquimalt-Juan de Fuca.

Members of this House will remember our debates on Bill C-11 and Bill C-32 when we warned the government of the serious health consequences and the human suffering this tax reduction on cigarettes would cost. This motion would correct the government's major mistake and would restore that tax on tobacco to the level existing as of January 1 of this year.

Our concerns about the government's tax reduction on cigarettes were confirmed when the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Health appeared before the Standing Committee on Finance on June 7 and advised that the government's goal was "to reduce the demand for tobacco, the number one cause of preventable death in Canada". She went on to say: "The government fully recognized that the action plan to combat smuggling and the tax measures associated with it would pose health risks". That is from a government member, despite what I hear from across the floor today.

It is inconceivable to me and most Reformers how government can rationalize its goal of preventing death with its actions which will increase smoking and cause many hundreds of deaths.

This government does not seem to have the courage or the intestinal fortitude to do what is right. We were opposed to the tax reduction on cigarettes and tobacco products because it will increase smoking and that cannot be denied, particularly among young people. As a result it will increase health costs.

Reformers find it amazing that the government caved in to the criminal element of society so quickly. It sends the wrong signal to those who would break the law. In effect the Liberal government said: "If you defy the law we will change the law rather than enforce it".

Reformers find it hard to believe that the government did not take a more reasonable approach and impose an effective export tax and increase enforcement in the areas where the majority of smuggling was occurring.

Even the commissioner of the RCMP confirmed in February that 70 per cent of the contraband tobacco was coming through the three Mohawk reserves between Cornwall and Montreal. Therefore all this we hear about big borders is simply a smoke-screen. If that was where the problem was, why not have the courage to enforce the laws of Canada? What are we doing now when the criminal element redirects its smuggling activities to alcohol, drugs and guns? Are we going to simply change the law on that as well? One bad decision leads to more problems and not solutions. The government has not solved a thing by what it has done.

The main point I would like to make today is in regard to the government's disregard for the health of the Canadian people, particularly young people. When the government first introduced its national action campaign to combat smuggling in February, we asked the government to tell us what the increased health costs would be. How many people will start smoking as a result of the tax reduction? How many Canadians will become addicted? How many people will get lung cancer and emphysema, heart disease and strokes? How many people will suffer or

die as a result of the government's tax reduction? How much will it cost the Canadian taxpayer? The government implemented Bill C-32 despite not having the answers to these very important questions.

While the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Health has made it clear that the tax reduction would pose increased health risks, these risks, the costs and the implications for government and the human suffering have not been quantified. Months have gone by with no action by the Liberals.

The Canadian Cancer Society asked the Standing Committee on Finance to complete a thorough evaluation of the health costs and implications of smoking in Canada because such an evaluation has not been done since 1986. Reformers find this appalling.

During debate on Bill C-32 the members of the finance committee listened politely to witness after witness warning them of the serious health consequences. The committee ignored the dozens of excellent recommendations and passed the clause by clause study of Bill C-32 in less than 15 seconds. The clause by clause review of a 62 page bill was done in less than 15 seconds. This is democracy? Is it any wonder that Reformers are pushing for a triple E Senate where we can give some serious and thoughtful sober second thought to the reasoned amendments that we proposed and debated very intelligently?

What will the increased health costs be? The Canadian Cancer Society provided the Standing Committee on Finance with some of the estimates prepared by Professor Robert Allen from the department of economics at Harvard University.

Using Professor Allen's most conservative estimates, he predicted that national cigarette consumption would rise by 14 per cent among adults and 35 per cent among young people. Now we find those estimates were very conservative. Actual increases have been 41 per cent, as has been mentioned by my colleague. The tax reduction implemented by the Liberals will increase the total number of tobacco users in Canada by 840,000. Of this number 175,000 would be teenagers. At this rate Professor Allen predicted health costs would rise in the long term by $1.33 billion per year. That was the most conservative estimate.

Every piece of literature that comes out on this shows there is an increase. How can the government close its eyes and be blind to what is happening? These are Professor Allen's most conservative estimates, as I have said. It could be even higher. It could be as high as 1.89 million new smokers and of these 245,000 would be young people. That would mean $3 billion in increased health care costs, $3 billion, three thousand millions.

Still the government fails to even tell Canadians what the impact will be. It refuses to even conduct its own evaluation of health costs and implications, ignoring the health of Canadians. Liberals love to do studies; they love to have commissions. They like to have all of these consultants tell them things, but when it comes to this issue they close their ears.

During our debate on Bill C-32 we asked the government for a timetable showing when tobacco taxes will start to go up again. None was given. The government acknowledged the dramatic effect that high taxes have on tobacco consumption. It acknowledged that the health promotion surtax will end in three years, but it still has not told Canadians what it plans to do at the end of three years.

During the previous debate we asked the government to make a commitment to raise prices to their level prior to February 8, 1994 at the end of the three years when the health promotion surtax is renewed. Reformers proposed such an amendment, but we were told that only the minister could make such an amendment. The minister chose to ignore this reasonable proposal.

If the government will not support my hon. friend's motion, Reformers respectfully request that the minister introduce a new bill clearly telling Canadians when tobacco taxes will be increased. For the sake of the health of all Canadians, for the sake of all those young people who will take up smoking as a direct result of government's actions, will the government tell Canadians today this is not a permanent tax reduction? Will the government tell Canadians that their health is of more concern to it than the interests of a few smugglers in the tobacco industry?

Government ministers are always accusing us of never telling them what to do. They yell and they shout at us like we do not have a plan, but our blue book has been around a lot longer than their red book.

Tobacco Taxes October 20th, 1994

It is a cheap shot.