I'm going to hazard a guess that I may be more fascinating. Let's see. The gauntlet has been thrown down.
Good evening and thank you very much for this opportunity to speak on Bill C-78, on behalf of the National Association of Women and the Law. As I think most of you know, NAWL is an incorporated, not-for-profit, feminist organization that promotes women's equality in Canada through legal education, research and law reform advocacy. Advocating for the much-needed changes to family laws, including the Divorce Act, has been a focus of NAWL's work since the early 1980s, so it brings me great pleasure to begin this evening by congratulating the government for introducing C-78. There are many aspects of this bill that we fully support.
However, before I get into talking about the specifics, I want to reflect that NAWL worked jointly with Luke's Place in developing both a discussion paper and a brief on C-78, which I think you all now have. Our joint brief has been endorsed by 31 organizations from British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, Quebec and New Brunswick, as well as more than a dozen national feminist and equality-seeking groups, and is the fruit of consultations that we convened with feminist lawyers, academics, service providers and advocates. I mention this, not just because we're proud of our network and of our collaborative work—because we are—but also because it's important to emphasize the depth and the breadth of our shared feminist intersectional analysis of Bill C-78, particularly in relation to the issue of family violence in the context of divorce.
Now, let me turn to some specifics, beginning with the aspects of the bill that we fully support. We congratulate the government for putting the best interests of the child at the centre of this bill and for developing a much-needed set of criteria to help guide the determination of what will be in the best interests of each child, based on the recognition that every family and every child's needs are unique. NAWL fully supports the exclusion from this bill of any presumptions of shared parenting. Determining what's in the best interests of the child must be done on a case-by-case basis.
We also fully support the inclusion of family violence in this bill and a comprehensive definition of it that recognizes that family violence exists on a spectrum.
I now want to turn to some aspects of the bill that we think do not yet go far enough because, as we know, the impacts of family violence can continue long after a marriage ends.
Our first recommendation is that a preamble be added to this bill that acknowledges the gendered nature of family violence and confirms that addressing family violence is one of its aims. The evidence here is clear and unequivocal. As with other forms of gender-based violence, the majority of victim survivors of violence within marriage, and when it ends, are women. Men are overwhelmingly the perpetrators of this violence. A preamble is important because it can guide the interpretation of an act and is good practice. Just a few weeks ago, when it was used in Bill C-86 to frame the establishment of the new department of women and gender equality, which will replace Status of Women Canada, that bill included a preamble that recognized the government's obligations to advance women's rights and gender equality. A similar preamble should be added to C-78 that recognizes that women experience family violence, as a form of violence against women, and that women have diverse lived experiences of it. We've drafted a preamble that we hope this committee will recommend to be included in the act.
In addition, we also recommend that a definition of violence against women be added, which acknowledges that it is a form of gender-based discrimination that's experienced by women in multiple ways and shaped by other forms of discrimination and disadvantage. This intersects with race, indigenous identity, ethnicity, religion, gender identity or gender expression, sexual orientation, citizenship, immigration or refugee status, geographic location, social condition, age and disability. This would be consistent with the government's commitment to GBA+.
The appalling and ongoing situation of violence against indigenous women must be redressed immediately. We urge the federal government to consult with indigenous women's groups on the potential impacts of C-78 on indigenous women, their children, their communities and their families to ensure the cultural heritage, safety, security, autonomy and rights of indigenous women and their children are respected, protected and fulfilled, and not further endangered or violated by any direct or indirect impacts of any of the provisions of C-78.
We propose the addition of provisions to help ensure decision-makers do not rely on harmful myths or stereotypes about family violence, even inadvertently, when they're making decisions in the context of divorce. While I don't have time to read through the entire section that we have drafted—I hope you will, though—I will highlight some of them, including for example, that a court should not infer that because a relationship has ended or divorce proceedings have begun the family violence has ended.
A court should not infer that if claims of family violence are made late in the proceedings or were not made in previous proceedings they're false or exaggerated. A court should not infer that if a spouse continued to reside or maintain a financial, sexual or business relationship—or a relationship for immigration purposes—with a spouse, or has in the past left and returned to a spouse, family violence did not happen or the claims are exaggerated.
The court should not infer that leaving a violent household to reside in a shelter or other temporary housing is contrary to the best interests of the child. The court should not infer that fleeing a jurisdiction with children in order to escape family violence is contrary to the best interests of the child. Also, the court should not infer that the absence of observable physical injuries or the absence of external expressions of fear mean that the abuse did not happen.
I don't have time to adequately address this issue, but I also want to reflect some thoughts on changes to language included in Bill C-78.
We understand and commend the objective of reducing tensions and conflict in divorce proceedings. However, there is no evidence that removing the familiar language of custody and access will actually reduce conflict and benefit children. Further, there's a real risk that this change in terminology will create uncertainty that will be available to abusers to exploit and to perpetuate ongoing abuse through court proceedings and otherwise.
Indeed, we heard from feminists in other jurisdictions, including British Columbia, where similar language changes have been made, that they have not seen a reduction in conflict in family law proceedings after the terminology of custody and access was removed from the provincial Family Law Act. Therefore, we recommend that the language of custody and access be retained and inserted in Bill C-78.
In addition, we believe the proposed definitions of parenting orders and parenting responsibilities are too vague and ambiguous and also provide opportunities for abuse. We recommend, therefore, that a clearer set of responsibilities be set out for the parent with decision-making responsibility.
Because of time constraints, I'm going to end my comments here, but I'm of course eager to answer any questions that the committee might have. I want to simply confirm that NAWL supports the positions that Luke's Place will now present, which, like ours, are the product of our joint work together.
I thank the committee again for providing NAWL with the opportunity to appear this evening.