Evidence of meeting #17 for Status of Women in the 45th Parliament, 1st session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was it’s.

A recording is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

Members speaking

Before the committee

Clermont-Dion  Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual
Neapole  Executive Director, Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women
Morin  Full Professor, UNESCO Chair in the Prevention of Violent Radicalization and Extremism, Université de Sherbrooke, as an individual
Prockiw  Red Seal Endorsed Welder, As an Individual

3:30 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

I call this meeting to order.

Welcome to meeting number 17 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on the Status of Women.

Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format, pursuant to the Standing Orders. Members are attending in person in the room and remotely by using the Zoom application.

I have a few comments for the benefit of members and witnesses.

Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. Those on Zoom will click on their microphone icon to activate their mic and mute their microphone when they're not speaking. You can select the appropriate channel, English, French, or the floor, which gives you both.

If you wish to speak, raise your hand. I'll give a reminder that all comments should be addressed through the chair. Thanks for your co-operation.

Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted by the committee on Monday, September 15, 2025, the committee will resume its study of anti-feminist ideology.

Before we welcome our witnesses, I want to provide a trigger warning. We'll be discussing themes and experiences related to anti-feminist ideology. This may be triggering to viewers with similar experiences. If any participants feel distressed or need help, please advise the clerk. For all witnesses and members of Parliament, it is important to recognize that these are difficult conversations, so let's try to be compassionate.

I would like to welcome our witnesses.

Today, we welcome Léa Clermont‑Dion, associate professor in the Department of Education at Concordia University.

We also have Jacqueline Neapole, executive director, Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women.

We will start with the opening statements, beginning with Ms. Clermont‑Dion.

Ms. Clermont‑Dion, you have five minutes.

Léa Clermont-Dion Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual

Thank you very much.

Today, I want to talk to you about a phenomenon that is gaining alarming momentum, namely the rise of masculinist narratives online. When I talk about masculinist narratives, I am referring to anti-feminist counter-narratives, i.e., narratives that are opposed to feminism, but which are united by the idea that the crisis of masculinity is caused by feminists and women. These narratives also promote a patriarchal ideology and male dominance over women.

We are witnessing a narrative that is gaining momentum. I have been interested in these issues for about ten years. As a researcher, in particular, I completed my doctoral thesis on anti‑feminist narratives in Quebec and on violence against women. This phenomenon is now very structured and is gaining momentum particularly among young people.

The purpose of my speech today is to raise your awareness of the impact of masculinist narratives on youth, violent narratives that have become common and that I did not see systematically in the media and digital ecosystem 10 years ago. These are statements like “women belong to men”, “women like being dominated”, “I’m not a rapist, but I like the idea of being able to do whatever I want with women”.

These comments and quotes exist, notably from Andrew Tate, a masculinist influencer followed by millions of people worldwide, whose videos were viewed, before his suspension, up to 11 billion times on TikTok. Andrew Tate and his masculinist associates reach young men and young women. It’s known that, in the United Kingdom, 23% of boys aged 15 to 16 find Andrew Tate’s comments to be positive, and that 56% of young fathers, men aged 25 to 34, also consider Andrew Tate’s comments to be positive. It should be noted that Andrew Tate claimed, after the United States presidential elections, that it might be worthwhile to revoke the franchise for women because they had predominantly voted for Kamala Harris.

It’s not a marginal phenomenon; it’s a phenomenon that is becoming normalized. With the arrival of the Internet in the 2000s, and following the explosion of social networks, masculinist narratives were spread widely through algorithmic amplification, the normalization of hateful speech, unabashed misogynistic rhetoric and the lack of regulation of the tech giants. We can also see that Mark Zuckerberg, who is notably the owner of Meta, has allowed the spread of online hate.

In my documentary Je vous salue salope, his sister, Donna Zuckerberg, an expert on the far right, loudly proclaims that social media platforms, including Meta, have contributed to online misogyny. Digital platforms have thus become key channels for spreading propaganda and recruiting young people. An experimental study by Baker and Ging shows that 71% of young people who watch online videos end up, in just a few clicks, viewing toxic, masculinist discourse.

Being so exposed to masculinist narratives has an impact on young people’s beliefs. Research conducted in Montreal high schools, such as that carried out by Diana Miconi, shows that 34% of students agree with at least one of the following statements: boys should control the people their girlfriends interact with; girls often say “no” just to avoid appearing easy. According to another study conducted by the UQAM research chair on sexist and sexual violence, led by Manon Bergeron, 75% of young people aged 15 to 25 believe myths that question the credibility of victims of sexual assault.

This trivialization of sexual violence is led notably by Andrew Tate and several masculinists who significantly contribute to this phenomenon. These narratives focus on several mechanisms: domination and control, hypermasculinity, rejection of emotions, victimization of men, dehumanization of women and amplification of violence. These effects are visible in our schools. Indeed, 76% of secondary school teachers express concern about this influence. As an associate professor at Concordia University and director of the “On s’écoute” campaign, I’m pleased to announce that we will be conducting a campaign in Quebec on the issue of masculinist narratives that trivialize sexual violence. We’ll have an impact video, a teaching guide in hand and concrete tools to help young people.

These trends are no longer marginal. They’re now structural. Our federal government must recognize the scale and severity of this phenomenon, which undermines not only equality and fundamental rights, but also, in its most radicalized forms, the very principles that support our democracy.

The most extreme masculinist narratives directly attack women’s rights—

3:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

Thank you, Ms. Clermont‑Dion. Your time is up.

We go now to Ms. Neapole.

You have the floor for five minutes.

Jacqueline Neapole Executive Director, Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women

Thank you for inviting me to appear before the committee today to speak to anti-feminist ideology.

I'm Jackie Neapole, the executive director of the Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women, CRIAW.

We are a national women's rights organization that for almost 50 years has been conducting research and analysis on women's economic and social position in Canada, with a goal of identifying solutions and actions for substantive equality.

I'd like to start by looking at how we at CRIAW view anti-feminist ideology, and then I will speak to some of our current research.

These days, the terms “feminism” and “anti-feminism” can be loaded, but it is very simple. A basic definition of feminism is that it is the advocacy and belief in full social, economic and political equality for all women. On the flip side, anti-feminism is the advocacy and belief that women should not have full social, economic and political equality.

Anti-feminist ideology is not new. What is new is that anti-feminist ideology seems to be gaining more traction and once again is becoming more mainstream.

CRIAW positions anti-feminist ideology within a broader regressive movement. Anti-feminism often relies on a picture of a romanticized, traditional past when life was supposedly simpler, but the reality is that regressive anti-feminist ideologies include ideas, messages and beliefs aimed at undoing gains made on women's rights and blocking further change needed for the full realization of equality. It's regressive in the sense of going backward.

Anti-feminism and regressive ideologies can vary in extremity. They can manifest themselves in complex ways, from sexist jokes to threats and violence. They can be focused on one area or issue and intersect along gender, race, sexual orientation and religion, for example.

In 2017, while we were conducting a pan-Canadian research project with women's groups, we heard that there was a noticeable uptick in anti-feminist backlash brewing, and the women's groups were increasingly experiencing harassment and hostility in their communities and online.

Since then, we have been looking deeper at this issue, and it has become clearer over the years that misogyny and normalization of anti-feminism is growing both globally and here as well.

Last year, CRIAW again conducted research across the country, expressly to find out how regressive anti-feminist movements were manifesting in different regions and how different feminist organizations were experiencing them.

Across the country, regressive anti-feminist ideologies are spreading insidiously and overtly. These ideologies can be supported by governments and institutions, by civil society organizations and by individuals. These regressive ideologies blame the current societal and economic problems we face today on women's rights and social justice, rather than on persistent structural inequality and injustice.

The regressive anti-feminists are finding new ways to connect with people on the ground in their communities and speak in a way that makes people feel that their needs or complaints are being heard or addressed. Regressive anti-feminist entities mobilize and grow their membership by appealing to those who feel disenfranchised, whether in reality or not. They also use social media, as we heard, and online platforms to organize and grow their membership, especially among the youth.

We have heard from many women's rights organizations that they've had to implement new security measures to protect their staff and that they were losing staff to burnout and exhaustion from dealing with constant anti-feminist threats over social media, by email and in person. They have had to conceal their office locations and remove contact information from their websites.

Feminist work has always been challenging, since it involves pushing up against strong power structures that are resistant to change. However, women's groups report that this work has been particularly difficult after years of chronic underfunding and demoralization as a result of what appears to be a growing acceptance of sexism and the idea that women's rights are expendable.

In a few days, we'll be remembering the victims of the Montreal massacre. The misogynistic gunman, motivated by anti-feminist ideology, specifically targeted 14 female engineering students, claiming that these women were taking away opportunities from men by studying in a gender-non-traditional field. I bring this up because this is what anti-feminist ideology is and what it can lead to.

There is increasingly a normalization of this ideology. If we continue to let this growth happen unfettered, there will be potentially devastating consequences to the fabric of our society and the values we hold as Canadians over many generations.

I have a few recommendations. I'll try to get to them in the 20 seconds or 10 seconds remaining.

We all have a role in reducing the vitriol and in stopping the proliferation of sexism and hateful, misogynistic ideas and groups. Upholding women's human rights should not be viewed as a partisan issue.

We need stronger social safety nets and investments in health care and education. Regressive anti-feminist movements grow their membership by targeting and blaming women and other marginalized communities for systemic issues. We know that the disparities in wealth continue to widen and are worsening, and this is acutely an issue with young Canadians. Investments to strengthen social protection and safety nets are needed now.

3:40 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

I'm sorry, but that's the end of your time. I'm sure we'll get the rest of both of your testimonies as we go into our rounds of questions.

Our first round starts with Ms. Cody for six minutes.

3:40 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

Thank you, Chair.

Through you, I want to welcome our witnesses to our meeting. I greatly appreciate having this conversation.

My goal today is to make sure that this study leads to thoughtful, informed recommendations at the end.

Today my questions will be for Mrs. Clermont-Dion.

Can you tell me which parts of your research are based on hard evidence and which are more opinion-based? Also, where did you obtain your data?

3:40 p.m.

Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual

Léa Clermont-Dion

Give me a second.

First, in Quebec, we have very little data on this issue. Mr. David Morin will testify later and point out that 20% of young Quebeckers believe that feminism is an attempt to control the world, according to a survey conducted in collaboration with the firm Léger. These are the data we have in Quebec.

In fact, the data we have come largely from Australia and Great Britain. Very little data comes from Canada. Factually, the research we have comes from elsewhere. For example, what I told you earlier, that 76% of teachers did not feel comfortable, comes from a longitudinal study that was conducted in Australia.

As for the data I provided about the United Kingdom, it comes from several research reports that have been done. I may publish this data later, but it comes from the United Kingdom. I am working with Professor Jessica Ringrose from University College London, who is very interested in this issue. What we are realizing is that, in terms of data, the British government is investing heavily in understanding this phenomenon.

We have very little data to understand the influence of masculinist narratives on youth and perceptions. What we do know is based on data from other sources. Diana Miconi, who published the research report on masculinist discourse in Montreal, conducted a study that is nevertheless limited in scope, based on a sample of six secondary schools.

On the other hand, I told you that 75% of young people in Quebec had a negative perception of victims of sexual assault. This data comes from a survey of 1,000 respondents, which is quite a large sample for Quebec. However, in order to fully understand the influence of masculinist discourse on young people’s perceptions, it is essential to invest in research. I also think we need to work on education—

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

Can I interrupt? I have a lot of questions here and a short period of time.

3:45 p.m.

Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual

Léa Clermont-Dion

Yes.

I’m sorry.

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

Thank you.

I've been talking to a lot of young men and women, and they're quite shocked to see the divide increasing between the genders. How do you see empowering women while also keeping healthy masculinity to keep the balance?

3:45 p.m.

Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual

Léa Clermont-Dion

It’s true that there’s a significant polarization right now between men and women and among young people. To address boys and avoid this polarization, the focus must be on positive role models. This must also be done through educational programs to facilitate the somewhat complicated dialogue between boys and girls about these issues.

Influencers have this ability to speak in a very convincing manner—

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

Excuse me.

Can I ask who defines these positive models? Who is in the conversations about this?

3:45 p.m.

Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual

Léa Clermont-Dion

This is done through educational work.

Do you want to know if there are people who are interested in this issue of positive role models?

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

[Inaudible—Editor]

3:45 p.m.

Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual

Léa Clermont-Dion

That’s a good question. A positive role model in education is obviously arbitrary. So we need to reflect on this question.

In fact, I wouldn’t be able to answer your question specifically.

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

I've been getting a lot of questions. What I hear not only in my community but also especially from a lot of young men is that they're feeling a lot of pressure and stress on them with the conversations and the generalization. They're actually asking me if the intent is to completely wipe out masculinity from public spaces and discourses.

3:45 p.m.

Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual

Léa Clermont-Dion

No. There is this context that you mention and which is accurate, meaning that there may be some discomfort on the part of teenagers with respect to this discussion. However, we need to come back to the masculinist and anti‑feminist narratives, which are the subject of the question.

Anti‑feminist and masculinist narratives exploit this vulnerability, which is entirely acceptable and understandable, and then spread disinformation about extremely concerning issues. For example, it’s said that gender‑based violence does not exist, whereas, in fact, it unfortunately does.

So I understand the discomfort, but—

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

I agree that there is gender-based violence overall, but I'm talking about the generalization of the conversations. Has there been any research on whether this type of messaging and narrative framing men as harmful might actually push more men towards being anti-feminist?

3:45 p.m.

Associate Professor, Department of Education, Concordia University, as an individual

Léa Clermont-Dion

My colleague might be able to answer your question.

3:45 p.m.

Executive Director, Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women

Jacqueline Neapole

I don't think we can blame women for pushing men to be anti-feminist.

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

There's a lot of talk about women's rights, but do women's rights also include women's safe places? If you're talking about survivors—

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

It's a great question, but you're at the end of your time. We'll have to wait for the answer on that one.

We'll go to Madam Ménard for six minutes.

Marie-Gabrielle Ménard Liberal Hochelaga—Rosemont-Est, QC

Thank you, Madam Chair.

Ladies, thank you very much for being here with us. Your contribution has already been very enlightening. Thank you for your opening remarks.

For a narrative or an ideology to amplify and take root, it needs fertile ground.

In your opinion, Ms. Neapole, what has allowed this ideology to resonate in recent years?

3:50 p.m.

Executive Director, Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women

Jacqueline Neapole

I think a lot of complex issues have led to where we are today. While it may have blown up and we've seen it more obviously—it's come to the surface—it has been percolating underneath the surface for a while.

Some of it is that there's a growing disparity of wealth and people feeling like they're left behind. In terms of all these social services, we've done a lot of research on social infrastructure and the importance of including people meaningfully so that they can be engaged in society. When you don't have those social protections or safety nets in place, people start to be left behind. They start to point to individuals as the reason for their misfortune or for what they feel is their secondary status in life.

Marie-Gabrielle Ménard Liberal Hochelaga—Rosemont-Est, QC

Thank you.

This exercise will be cruel. The answers will need to be short.

Ms. Clermont‑Dion, I would be very curious to hear your perspective on this same question.

In your opinion, what constitutes fertile soil for the rise of this kind of ideology?