Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was petitioners.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Liberal MP for Cambridge (Ontario)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 34% of the vote.

Statements in the House

The Balkans December 4th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the concern of our colleagues from the third party. We are at the doorstep of long lasting peace. I am confident that Canada is ready to contribute whatever is necessary.

I hope that this mission lasts only for six or twelve months. I would be very disappointed if it lasts for three years. I believe it will not last that long.

By pulling out right now we would betray not only our allies but the people who trusted us for so long in Bosnia-Hercegovina. We would betray the people in that area.

The Balkans December 4th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak to the motion concerning Canada's participation in the peace implementation force to be deployed within Bosnia-Hercegovina.

The Dayton peace agreement has given the world a great deal of hope; hope that the situation in the former Yugoslavia will once and for all improve, and hope that innocent people will no longer have to suffer the violence of war.

Having come from that region of the world, this peace agreement touches me more personally than it does most other Canadians. I would like nothing more than to see a lasting peace which would ensure safety and security for all people in the former Yugoslavia.

I have had the honour to debate the issue of Canadian involvement in the former Yugoslavia many times in the House. Each time I have stated very clearly that I support Canadian involvement as long as the lives of our men and women are not placed in danger.

There were many times when I felt that Canadian peacekeepers were not being given adequate tools to do the job which they had been sent to do or adequate tools to protect themselves. When I speak of adequate tools I am not only referring to weapons, I am also referring to the mandate of UNPROFOR which often tied their hands. In spite of these obstacles, Canadian peacekeepers managed to make a valuable contribution to the fragile peace in Croatia and to perform a valuable humanitarian role in Bosnia-Hercegovina.

Although not always evident, Canadian peacekeepers are well respected in the region. They have established a rapport with locals in the areas to which they were assigned. That is fundamental to the success of any peace mission.

The mission in which Canada is now being asked to participate is different from that of UNPROFOR. The peace implementation force will consist of approximately 60,000 military personnel. It will be responsible for overseeing the military aspects of the peace agreement recently reached in Dayton, Ohio. The force will be organized into three divisions: one American, one British and one French. Britain, France and the United States are collectively contributing the bulk of the forces necessary for this mission. They will send a combined total of 49,500 troops.

NATO will assume command of the mission once IFOR is deployed. However, it will operate under the authority of the United Nations Security Council resolution which permits the use of all necessary means to fulfil the mission.

Given that the formal peace agreement will not be signed until December 14 of this year in Paris, it is unlikely that any deployment of forces would take place prior to that date.

IFOR will not be a peacekeeping mission but rather a NATO led enforcement mission. Where UNPROFOR was mandated only to monitor the implementation of United Nations resolutions and to provide an escort for humanitarian operations, IFOR will be there to enforce the peace agreement.

Canadians and their allies have a great deal of work ahead of them. They will be required to co-ordinate arrangements to ensure freedom of movement and self-defence for IFOR troops within a given sector. They will be required to monitor and if necessary, enforce the withdrawal of parties to their respective territories. They will also co-ordinate and mark boundaries and lines of separation between parties and will establish, monitor and if necessary man lines of separation.

In addition to those responsibilities, IFOR troops will enforce the ceasefire provision of the peace agreement, defend persons, properties and areas designated as protected, monitor the clearing of minefields by parties to the agreement and provide a combat capability to reinforce IFOR troops as required.

In addition to this already lengthy list of responsibilities, IFOR will help to establish a joint military commission with civilians, military and non-governmental agencies in the area and will assist both the UNHCR and other civilian aid agencies in the conduct of their humanitarian missions. As well, IFOR will observe, secure and if necessary prevent interference in the movement of populations, refugees, displaced persons and their property.

Needless to say, what I have just outlined will be a challenge for all those participating in the IFOR mission. Canada has expertise in all of these areas simply because of our historic role in difficult peace missions around the globe.

As I stated earlier, our forces did an excellent job during the UNPROFOR mission and often without necessary means. Canada has already dedicated a great deal of time and effort to finding a peaceful resolution to the situation in the former Yugoslavia. To quit now when true peace is within reach would be a shame.

IFOR's mandate will give Canadian troops the tools needed to succeed in the implementation of the Dayton peace agreement. It will also give them the tools they need to protect themselves. To pull out now after we have done so much already would be like throwing in the towel in the third period of the Stanley Cup final.

We cannot let our allies down at this stage of the game. It would be wrong to let down the hundreds of thousands of refugees and displaced persons who are counting on our help and who have trusted us for so long.

Not only would I encourage my government to contribute a modest force to IFOR so that we can finish what we started back in 1991, I would also encourage it to take a stronger leadership role in this region.

Province Of Ontario December 1st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, on Wednesday the people of Ontario finally learned that Mike Harris and his Conservative government do not know the meaning of the words common sense.

Ontarians will now have to wait longer for hospital services, if they can find an open hospital; pay up to 22 per cent more for a university education; and learn to live with fewer locally provided services.

The Waterloo region, which takes in my riding of Cambridge, will be faced with $9 million in hospital cuts. Those cuts will mean a reduction and possible elimination of services from three hospitals in the area.

The area will also see a cut of approximately $10 million to schools. Libraries in Cambridge will lose $120,000 and transit fares will go up.

While all Ontarians want to get their fiscal house in order, why is it that the sick, the elderly and children trying to get an education will be most hurt by the cuts? The premier's friends who have been promised a 30 per cent tax break will not.

While it is nice to see that the premier-

Youth Service Canada October 30th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I understand there has been an evaluation done on Youth Service Canada. Can the Secretary of State for Training and Youth provide us with some of the highlights of this report?

Immigration Act September 28th, 1995

Madam Speaker, I take this opportunity to briefly thank all the members who have spoken on my private member's Bill C-316.

I understand certain members have some concerns with particular elements of the bill. I assure them their concerns can be addressed through amendments at the committee stage.

I urge my colleagues to support Bill C-316 at this stage in the process. I look forward to working with them in making this an even better piece of legislation.

Immigration Enforcement Improvement Act May 12th, 1995

moved that Bill C-316, an act to amend the Immigration Act and the Transfer of Offenders Act, be read the second time and referred to a committee.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise today to debate Bill C-316, an act to amend the Immigration Act and the Transfer of Offenders Act.

I would like to start by thanking the members of the Private Members' Business subcommittee for realizing the importance of this legislation to the social fabric of our nation. Moreover by making this private member's bill votable, subcommittee members have acted upon a key principle which has been advocated by our minister of immigration in many forums.

The minister and I on numerous occasions have said that Canada has a proud tradition of welcoming immigrants. Members know that both of us have personally benefited from that tradition.

When I came to Canada from Croatia in 1968, I agreed to obey the laws of this nation. At that time I did not have the same rights as those who were already citizens. I could not vote. I could not have been a member of Parliament nor work for the federal government. I obeyed the law and was particularly careful to be on my best behaviour.

The day that I finally did become a citizen was one of the happiest days of my life. To this day I have continued to uphold the laws and virtues of this country and I will continue to do so.

The majority of our immigrants are model citizens. They work very hard to succeed in this country and they do so in a law-abiding manner.

However, a very small group of immigrants, and for that matter visitors, do not play by the rules. Some in this very small group have come to this great country, taken advantage of its generosity and disobeyed its laws. I would like those individuals to know that law-abiding immigrants and for that matter all Canadians, firmly believe that those individuals who are not citizens and who repeatedly show disrespect for the laws and people of Canada do not deserve to be here.

Our laws have always recognized that serious criminality should have the consequence of removal from Canada. The current Immigration Act explicitly states as much and my bill reinforces that principle.

The immigration enforcement improvement act simply aims to improve the way in which removal of violent offenders is executed. It streamlines a deportation procedure which has failed in the past, a procedure which has led to several inexcusable tragedies. Members may recall two of these inexcusable tragedies which occurred last spring.

In April of last year, a 23-year old young woman by the name of Georgina Leimonis was murdered in the trendy Toronto restaurant, Just Desserts. She had been having coffee with her boyfriend. One of her killers, O'Neil Grant, was a non-citizen with a lengthy criminal record. Prior to the murder, he had been granted a five year stay of his deportation. Lawrence Augustus Brown, the shooter, had immigrated to Canada 10 years earlier and also had an extensive criminal record.

The murder of Georgina Leimonis sent shock waves through Toronto and the entire country. In my riding of Cambridge, 20 grade 10 students from Galt Collegiate took the time to express their shock and anger over the murder of this young, vibrant woman. Their letters moved me to a point where I knew something had to be done. I would like to share some of their comments with members here today. Amy Gibson wrote:

We like to think of Canada as the best country in the world and I agree most of the time. We have a lot of freedom here-but what happens when we have so much freedom that we lose security? The murder of Georgina Leimonis is a good example. She didn't do anything wrong, she was innocently sitting in a cafe when she was shot. Soon we will be afraid to leave our houses.

Katharina Daldrup wrote:

I just immigrated to Canada 23 months ago and had found it to be a non-violent country. I was shocked by this incident and strongly feel that everything possible must be done to prevent incidents like this one.

Devon Edwards echoed the comments of the majority of his classmates when he expressed how deeply saddened he was to read of the murder of Georgina Leimonis.

The death of Georgina Leimonis was tragic but it was not an isolated incident. Less than two months after her murder, a 25-year old metropolitan Toronto police officer, Constable Todd Baylis, was killed while on duty.

Constable Todd Baylis and his partner had been out on a routine foot patrol when they spotted a suspect who was a known drug trafficker. As they began to pursue the suspect, a gun fight broke out and Constable Baylis was shot in the head before he could even draw his weapon.

Constable Baylis' killer, Clinton Gayle, was very well known to police and immigration authorities. He had a lengthy criminal record which included several convictions for trafficking in narcotics, possession of unregistered and restricted weapons, assault, attempted theft and escape from custody. It was because of his criminality that Clinton Gayle had been ordered deported in 1991. At the time of Constable Baylis' murder, Gayle was out on $2,000 bond and had been awaiting deportation for a two year period.

I truly believe that Clinton Gayle would have been deported prior to the murder of Constable Todd Baylis had the measures contained in Bill C-316 been in place.

Before I go any further, I would like members to know that the two cases I have just outlined are not isolated incidents. This is not just a Toronto problem. Tragedies such as these could have occurred and have occurred in Montreal, Vancouver and other parts of the country.

The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration has made great strides to limit access by serious criminals to immigration procedures that delay their removal from Canada. As a result of measures contained in Bill C-44, the rights of serious criminals to appeals under the immigration system have been limited. These same individuals will no longer be eligible for any form of early release or parole if they are serving a sentence for a criminal offence.

I applaud the minister for his swift action on these two elements and for his efforts to improve enforcement of deportation orders. However, I remain concerned that there is still room for serious offenders to fall through the cracks from the time they are sentenced to the time they are deported. My bill aims to fill those cracks.

Bill C-316 would permit a court, in addition to any other sentence, to order the removal of a non-citizen convicted of an offence punishable by 10 years or more. These serious criminals would have access to appeals within the criminal process but not to appeals currently available under the Immigration Act.

I understand there is some concern that the measures contained in this bill could be interpreted as a double punishment against non-citizens, a harsher sentence than a Canadian citizen committing the same crime would receive. The reality is that distinction currently exists. Non-citizens do not have all the rights of citizenship and non-citizens who commit crimes are currently subject to a criminal sentence and deportation. The only difference is that with Bill C-316, sole responsibility for both matters would lie with the courts rather than with the immigration department.

The measures being proposed would not only accelerate the deportation process of violent offenders but would also save the Canadian taxpayers money. The savings would primarily come from not having to duplicate the court hearing process. An offender's immigration status would be determined by the sentencing judge after an individual has been convicted of an offence punishable by 10 years or more as opposed to having one court determine criminality and the other immigration status.

Although it may take judges some time to get their heads around this legislation, if we have the courtroom, the lawyers and a judge familiar with an individual's past and present record, does it not make sense to deal with both issues at once? I submit to you that it does and that the Canadian taxpayers would prefer to see it done this way. I also know that there are judges and crown prosecutors who would prefer to have it done this way.

There are two additional measures of significance in this bill of which members should be aware. The first relates to how we treat offenders who came to Canada at an early age. Immigration advocates have argued that deporting someone who came to Canada as a child is unjust.

Some have even said our society should accept some responsibility for the way Clinton Gayle acted because he came to Canada in his early teens and was essentially a product of our environment. I agree with that argument to a certain degree. There has to come a point when we as Canadians say enough is enough.

My bill proposes anyone who came to Canada prior to the age of 16 and has remained free of criminal conviction for a period of at least five years should be exempt from deportation.

The second measure provides for the removal by court order of foreign offenders to their country of origin if reciprocal conditional release provisions exist in that country. The Transfer of Offenders Act currently makes provisions to transfer an offender to his or her country of origin if the offender chooses to be transferred and if a bilateral agreement exists.

Bill C-316 will remove that decision from the offender and will transfer it to courts thereby allowing a judge to order that an offender will serve the remainder of his or her sentence in their country of origin. I acknowledge my proposal may require certain bilateral agreements to be amended but I am confident that can be done with relative ease.

Concerns have been raised in reference to the possible deportation of family members with the offender. I advise the House these measures are currently contained in the Immigration Act. The reason for this is if the family members are financially dependent on the offender or if the offender was their sponsor, once the offender was transferred to his or her country of origin there would be an absence of financial support for the offender's family. This is currently done at the discretion of an immigration officer and under my bill it would be left to the discretion of the courts.

The two key elements of the bill, namely that sentencing courts be allowed to order the deportation of a person convicted of an indictable offence carrying a penalty of 10 years or more, and that the crown be permitted to initiate the transfer of foreign nationals to their country of origin, were contained in the final report of the safety net conference held in Hamilton last fall.

At this conference parliamentarians of different political stripes, immigration officials, immigration lawyers, enforcement authorities and victims groups specifically recommended the changes today being proposed in Bill C-316.

The bill has received the endorsement of the Canadian Police Association, the Metro Toronto Police Association, Victims of Violence and CAVEAT. The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration has on several occasions stated consideration should be given authorizing judges to issue deportation orders at the time of sentencing rather than requiring a separate step. He included this suggestion in his strategy for immigration and citizenship entitled "Into the 21st Century". He mentioned it during his speech on Bill C-44. I know he has been giving Bill C-316 the utmost consideration because we have discussed it on numerous occasions.

I have received a great deal of co-operation from the minister's office in preparing for today's occasion. However, I am aware the minister has some technical concerns with the bill and I have advised him I am prepared, willing and able to accept any amendments required to address the technical and drafting elements of the bill he is concerned with.

In conclusion, I leave members with the following to ponder. On April 2, I attended a memorial service for Georgina Leimonis in Toronto. Although the Leimonis family is still grieving the loss of Georgina, it does not want such a tragedy to be repeated. Members of the family have asked me to do everything in my power to see these amendments are enacted, and I am asking members for their support.

I would also like members to remember these often repeated words which Miss Kristina Kolesnyk of Galt Collegiate shared with me in her letter following the death of Georgina Leimonis: those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

Please support Bill C-316 so Canadians can feel more secure in their homes, neighbourhoods and on their streets.

Petitions April 26th, 1995

Madam Speaker, I have a petition bearing approximately 140 signatures signed by constituents of my riding of Cambridge.

The petitioners believe that all Canadians are equal in the eyes of the law and that section 718(2) of Bill C-41 excludes some groups by naming some. As a result, the petitioners pray and request that Parliament delete section 718(2) from Bill C-41.

Petitions April 4th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the second petition concerns BST. It bears approximately 25 signatures and was forwarded to me by constituents of my riding of Cambridge.

The petitioners are concerned about drinking milk from cows injected with BST because BST is known to be a health hazard to both humans and cows. The petitioners call on Parliament to ban the use of BST and not accept dairy products from countries where BST is used to treat cattle.

Petitions April 4th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I have two petitions. The first one is on human rights. It bears 50 signatures and was forwarded to me by constituents of my riding of Cambridge.

The petitioners pray and request that Parliament not amend the human rights code, the Canadian Human Rights Act or the charter of rights and freedoms in any way that would tend to indicate societal approval of same sex relationships or homosexuality.

Peacekeeping March 29th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise this evening to discuss once again the issue of Canada's role in peacekeeping operations in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina.

In preparing to speak today I reviewed my notes from two previous speeches on the same matter. I came to the realization that not much has changed. The United Nations is no closer today to implementing its mandate than it was on January 25, 1994 when I first spoke in the House on the issue.

One-quarter of a million displaced persons in Croatia alone are no closer to returning to their homes. Croatia's international borders remain unsecured. One-third of the nation's territory is currently occupied. I have been advised that since January 1995 the army of Yugoslavia has moved in over 900 troops, 25 tanks and ground to ground missiles, all under the watchful eye of the United Nations.

While all-out war did subside with the original arrival of the United Nations protection force in 1992, little else had changed. We must ask ourselves, is it any wonder that the Government of Croatia wanted to terminate the United Nations mandate? We must ask ourselves, are we accomplishing enough in Croatia to warrant our continued presence there and our continued expenditure of Canadian taxpayers' money?

I am certain that most members can understand Croatia's frustration. I am not so sure that we can answer the second of my questions quite so easy.

Last month the members of the Canada-Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina parliamentary group hosted a visit by parliamentarians from the Republic of Croatia. During that visit it was made very clear to me and my colleagues that the Croatian government was adamant about not renewing the UN mandate. In fact, Mr. Ivica Racan, the leader of the opposition Social Democratic Party of Croatia indicated to me that the one thing all parliamentarians and citizens of Croatia were in agreement on was that it was time for UNPROFOR to leave.

After the meetings with Mr. Racan and Drs. Domljan and Greguric I truly believe that the Canadian peacekeepers would be coming home. I can honestly say that I have very mixed feelings about that. While I could understand the frustration of the Croatian government and the Croatian people, I was worried that an escalation in fighting might occur, thus once again placing the safety of many innocent civilians in jeopardy.

Then on March 12 came what appeared to be good news. The president of Croatia, Dr. Franjo Tudjman, held a joint press conference with U.S. Vice-President Al Gore where it was announced that Croatia would accept the further international presence on its territory if a new UN Security Council mandate could be agreed on and that certain conditions were met.

Those conditions included: one, control of international borders between the Republic of Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia-Hercegovina and at principal crossing points not now controlled by Croatian authorities; two, control access and communications for UNPROFOR and other international humanitarian operations to Bosnia-Hercegovina through territory not currently under the control of the Croatian authorities; three, facilitate and continue implementation of a ceasefire agreement on March 29, 1994 and an economic agreement on December 7, 1994; four, facilitate implementation of future agreements aimed at reintegration of Croatia and facilitate implementation of relevant UN Security Council and general assembly resolutions.

The Copenhagen agreement engineered by U.S. Vice-President Al Gore which showed so much promise is today in jeopardy. Last week UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros Ghali forwarded the proposed new UN mandate to the Government of Croatia. The problem is that this so-called new mandate is little more than a rehashing of the old Vance-Owen peace plan. This is not what the Republic of Croatia agreed to in Copenhagen.

In a letter to UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros Ghali dated March 27, 1995, a couple of days ago, Dr. Mate Granic, Croatia's foreign minister stated:

I have the duty to inform you and the Members of the Security Council that the Republic of Croatia shall not accept the new mandate of the new peacekeeping force on its territory after the present mandate of UNPROFOR in Croatia terminates unless the following conditions are met:

One: The name of the new operations contains the word Croatia; explicitly confirming the fact that the new operation is to be carried in its entirety on the sovereign territory of the Republic of Croatia; and,

Two: The mechanism of the active control of international borders of the Republic of Croatia in the parts that are not at this moment accessible to the Croatian authorities by the new force are negotiated in detail on the basis of relevant Security Council resolutions and have gained prior formal approval of the Government of Croatia; thus the mechanisms for active control of Croatia's international borders under the new mandate must be clearly established consistent with paragraph 12 of Resolution 820 (1993).

The words of the Croatian foreign minister make it very clear to me that Croatia means business. Either change the mandate to reflect the Copenhagen agreement or get out. If somehow, and I am hopeful, a new agreement can be reached, Canada must decide whether it is in our best interest to keep our peacekeepers in Croatia.

If we decide to remain in Croatia it is imperative we play a role in negotiating a new mandate. This is one thing I have found extremely disturbing throughout this entire mission in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. Canada appears to have had very little influence in the overall decision making process. We have the fifth largest contingent of troops in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, 2,100, yet we have been completely shut out of the so-called contact group which has been making decisions on strategy in the region.

Our neighbours to the south with only 890 troops and Russia with 1,400 peacekeepers have been playing chess with our men and women in this lengthy international conflict and we cannot allow this to continue. The safety and integrity of our troops rest solely on our shoulders. If we stay we must demand a more active role in negotiations that will ultimately affect the well-being of our peacekeepers.

In addition to playing a more active role in the negotiating process, we should also be encouraging our southern neighbours to put their money where their mouth is by increasing their presence in the region.

Canada is a proud peacekeeping nation. Our troops have done a good job in Croatia given what they have to work with. I believe the Croatian government can confirm that.

However, if there is not a new mandate, if we will simply be helping to maintain the status quo and if the lives of our peacekeepers will be placed in greater jeopardy let us stop wasting the hard earned money of Canadian taxpayers and bring our troops home.