House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was justice.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Bloc MP for Saint-Bruno—Saint-Hubert (Québec)

Won her last election, in 2000, with 44% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Canadian Firearms Control Program September 24th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to conclude this debate on Motion M-387. First, I want to thank all the hon. members who took part in this debate because they did so in a non-partisan way. The Canadian Alliance, the NDP, the Bloc Quebecois, the Progressive Conservative Party, everyone took part in a truly non-partisan manner, setting aside a number of convictions.

As we know, gun control does not have unanimous support. I think that a vast majority of members still believe in it. That is why I agreed to the amendment of the hon. member for Châteauguay. Since some people were concerned that a possible suspension of the program might jeopardize its survival, I agreed to amend my motion to prevent this possibility.

The relevancy of the Canadian Firearms Program was not at issue here, but rather its mismanagement. It is obviously useful to remember that, instead of costing $119 million as initially budgeted, the program's development and implementation costs will probably exceed $1 billion by 2004-05.

For a long time I have been worrying that the management style of federal officials would lead directly to huge cost overruns. The only reason my fears were not confirmed until last fall was because the federal government's secrecy prevented us from finding out the true extent of the problem.

The Auditor General was particularly scathing in her report last December, when she said:

The Department of Justice did not provide Parliament with sufficient information to allow it to effectively scrutinize the Canadian Firearms Program and ensure accountability. It provided little financial information and insufficient explanations for the dramatic increase in the cost of the Program.

Transferring this program to the Solicitor General was completely pointless and again raises serious problems in terms of accountability and transparency. Indeed the Minister of Justice said that his plan would reinforce the program's accountability and transparency. It has done the opposite.

The rule that prevents us from questioning a former minister about his previous responsibilities simply allows the justice minister to avoid any questions about this scandal. That means that the period between December 1995 and April 2003 will continue to be a big black hole. No questions, no answers, and no one to take responsibility.

As for the Solicitor General, he can feign ignorance, because when things went wrong, he was not the one responsible for the program. So we are far from attaining the accountability and transparency the minister promised when unveiling the action plan.

What is more, the government's wonderful plan had barely been unveiled when it started going off the rails. The transfer slated for April 1 finally happened two weeks later, on the 14th, and as if that were not enough, the government got mired in explanations, each of which was more incoherent than the last. In short, the program was not transferred for reasons of jurisdiction or good management. Had that been the case, Treasury Board would not have had to inject another $10 million into it, as was done just yesterday, in order to again make up for this cost overrun.

There could also be some other reservations expressed that would be totally legitimate. A culture of cover-up does not change overnight.

Since time is of the essence, I will simply sum up by saying that there is no question of our approving such a huge cost overrun. I invite all members to set partisan politics aside and vote in favour of my motion and the amendment. We must get to the bottom of this scandal. A solution that respects both the objectives of public safety and the principles of proper financial management must be found, once Parliament is fully informed and gives its approval.

Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act September 23rd, 2003

Mr. Speaker, I will vote against this motion.

(The House divided on the motion, which was agreed to on the following division:)

Foreign Affairs September 16th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, Canadian diplomacy has been severely tested lately. The Sampson and Kazemi cases have shown how insignificant Canada has become on the international scene.

After Mr. Sampson was sentenced to death by beheading on the strength of confessions that were obtained by torture, the Canadian government let him rot in a Saudi prison for 31 months.

Ms. Kazemi died on July 10, in Iran, after receiving a blow to the head during an interrogation and the Canadian government was not even able to repatriate her remains.

We have reason to be concerned about the safety that comes with our nice little Canadian passport and its no-smile photo. Clearly our diplomats have no influence and it is certainly not by entrusting diplomacy to disgraced ex-ministers that Canada will regain its much envied status of the 1950s.

Elections Act September 15th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the government House leader and is along the same line as the previous one.

As a result of the latest reform of the Elections Act, only those parties which meet the 50 candidate rule qualify for an allowance of $1.75 per vote obtained. In the spirit of the decision mentioned by the previous speaker, it is clear that such an advantage is contrary to the charter.

In light of the upcoming election in the next few months, how does the government intend to amend its legislation to comply with the Supreme Court decision?

Canada Elections Act June 10th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, I vote against this motion.

(The House divided on Motion No. 12, which was negatived on the following division:)

Canada Elections Act June 10th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, I vote against this motion.

Canada Elections Act June 10th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, I vote yes on this motion.

Canada Elections Act June 10th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, I vote against this motion.

Election Expenses June 10th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons.

If Bill C-24 had been in effect in 2001, the annual allowance of $1.75 per vote obtained would have allowed the five official parties in the House of Commons to pocket staggering profits.

Since the Leader of the Government knows full well that all the parties would fill their pockets with this disguised cash advance, can the minister explain why he rejects the idea of only reimbursing actual expenses?

Political Party Financing May 13th, 2003

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Leader of the Government in the House. Bill C-24 calls for the automatic payment of a quarterly allowance to established parties, which will guarantee their financial survival and enable them to amass campaign funds paid for out of the public purse.

Can the government leader explain to us why his bill does not contain any provisions to ensure that these allowances are paid solely for the purpose of reimbursing actually incurred expenses, as the Quebec electoral legislation does?