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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament November 2009, as Bloc MP for Montmagny—L'Islet—Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2008, with 46% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply June 2nd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, the infrastructure program mentioned by the hon. member is an excellent example. It is a good idea to provide our communities and regions with the adequate equipment but, when it comes to the Kamouraska sewer system-for which we got a very good investment in the infrastructure program; in any case, it is a good thing that the regional development critic could get it, since it proves that we can also have the true power-should we need the authorization of all levels of government, municipal, provincial as well as federal, to decide if this hamlet of 500 people needs a sewer system?

This program was said to be interesting but it is quite inadequate regarding job creation. To me, what has much more of an impact now is the decision to increase the number of weeks of insurable employment while reducing the number of weeks of unemployment insurance benefit. This will cut 1.3 billion dollars in the Maritimes and in Quebec. As you will see, the economic impact will be even greater.

Measures might have been taken, in Bill C-17 for example, to immediately roll back to $3 the contribution of the small- and medium-sized businesses or to provide for the small businesses to pay less and for the larger ones to pay more. Agreed, this would have insured less political visibility, but the economic impact would have been even greater and respectful of the local people's entrepreneurship.

Supply June 2nd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I get of lot of sympathy from this comment and I want to tell the hon. member that we have been trying to change the system for 125 years, and particularly in the last 35 years.

First, we once gave 74 out of 75 seats to the Liberals, with Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau at the helm, and even with that representation, Quebec was not able to get what it needed.

Then, we relied on the Conservatives to regain, with dignity, our place within the Confederation, and that was also denied to us. We are now at the point where Quebecers feel that a structural change is needed. We are told that cuts, among other measures, are required to make real savings.

Take manpower training, a field in which Quebec and Canada together waste $250 million every year. If this $250 million was

available for development, there is a good chance we would not have to rely on government initiatives: We would be able to promote our own development in other ways.

The hon. member asks if there are other solutions, but sovereignty means that you pass your own legislation, levy your own taxes and conclude all your own treaties concerning Quebec's future. If federal legislation and taxes had ensured that Quebec got what it needed for its development, and if the federal government had been successful in getting what we wanted when it signed international treaties, we would stay.

However, the current structure has not given any such results, and it is particularly noticeable in the case of regional development. I might add that where I come from we have made a habit-and this may be another difference-of letting people who have the right to speak to do just that. It is much more practical to do so.

Supply June 2nd, 1994

Whether in a federal or a sovereign environment, if the federal government maintains its current centralizing position, each time such a comment is made, each time such a measure is taken, more arguments in favour of sovereignty are being given to Quebecers.

After hearing such words, any federalist who is disappointed with Quebec's position joins our ranks.

Supply June 2nd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I just heard the hon. member comment that it is our fault. But, for the past ten years, who has been governing in Quebec and in Ottawa: the federalists or the sovereigntists?

Supply June 2nd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I find those words extremely indicative of the current unease in Canada, very indicative indeed.

The Liberal Party says that a strong central government will solve the problem. It would have us believe that good ideas only come from Ottawa and, if Liberals decide everything, Canada will withstand any crisis.

But, this argument does not wash. Given the current situation, the 30 per cent unemployment and the 50-per-cent jobless rate in the Gaspe Peninsula, can we truly say that the system is working?

Supply June 2nd, 1994

moved:

That this House condemn the federal government's ineffective regional development interventions, which create overlappings and inconsistencies, resulting in administrative chaos that hampers regional economic growth.

Mr. Speaker, opening this supply day on regional development is for me a very important opportunity. For some Quebecers, their sovereignist commitment comes from the desire to maintain the French fact in Quebec, but personally, my convictions flow mainly from the general uneasiness prevalent in all regions of Quebec, because the inefficiencies of the present system prevent it from responding adequately to regional development needs.

This observation of mine was also made by numerous Quebecers, especially during the hearings of the Bélanger-Campeau Commission. As it travelled the various regions of Quebec, it came to the unanimous conclusion that the regions had to have control over their own development, and in order to do that the existing structures had to be called into question.

Let us review quickly the history of the federal government's involvement in regional development. In the 1960s and 1970s, the federal government realized that its programs were hard to access and it decided to improve the situation. It created the Department of Regional Industrial Expansion which was quickly discredited due to the lack of regional participation in project development and to the dominance of departmental concerns. The Department of Agriculture, the Department of Fisheries and others were still acting in an uncoordinated manner.

This prompted the federal government to try something new: regional development agencies. One was created for Quebec, another one for Atlantic Canada and a third for the West.

Due to these regional agencies, federal government interventions have been rather haphazard. Cases in point are the Federal Office of Regional Development, the Federal Business Development Bank, the interventions of Employment and Immigration through the Community Futures Committees and the Business Development Centres.

All these interventions were made in good faith, but since they were not coordinated, they produced limited economic development and there was absolutely no coordination among stakeholders in various sectors, which led to major errors such as investing in the wrong sectors.

I will give you an example of this. In my riding of Kamouraska-Rivière-du-Loup, they poured money into a new armoury.

I suppose that people in the Reserve are very happy to have an armoury now, but I doubt that it was a priority for my constituents, at a time when we were desperately in need of money to develop Gros-Cacouna harbour.

Departments take initiatives, in their own sector, without any regard for regional priorities.

In the past few months, since the Liberal government came into office, the Federal Office of Regional Development has taken a back seat to the Department of Industry. Before the previous Conservative government, the Department of Industry used to intervene in Quebec. But in view of its lack of efficiency, it was decided to set up regional development agencies, which was equivalent to performing by-pass surgery on a heart patient to make sure that his blood kept on circulating. Now, the Liberal government is limiting the FORD's mandate and cutting its budget in such a way that we are back to a very centralized approach which is totally inadequate to meet regional development needs.

What kind of message is the government sending to the regions when in its budget, it cuts funding to the regional development agencies to the tune of $13 million in the Maritimes, $70 million in Quebec, and $90 million in western Canada over three years? In Quebec alone, this will lead to cuts in FORD regional development assistance, in the amount of $14 million in 1994-95, $32 million in 1995-96, and $24 million in 1996-97. This is a strange way to care for the patient. They have decided to choke him to death, as clearly indicated by these figures. In april 1994 for example, the official unemployment rate was 27 per cent in the region of Gaspé-Îles-de-la-Madeleine; 17 per cent in the Lower St. Lawrence; 15 per cent in Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean; 16 per cent in Laurentides; 12 per cent in Mauricie-Bois-Francs and 15 per cent in Lanaudière.

Those are very clear indications that the government's action has not produced the expected results in spite of all the money they spent on the problem. There is a flaw somewhere that makes it fail. We have to ask why. What are the causes of such a situation?

The first cause I can see is that jurisdiction over regional development is not specified in the Canadian Constitution. Therefore the federal government, because it had spending power, seized the opportunity to increase its visibility and its influence over the electorate; at the same time, the provincial government thought it should act because it had jurisdiction over land use planning and found it important to control, at least partly, regional development. That sterile war, that futile competition, I would even say that unhealthy competition between governments, aside from guaranteeing visibility to politicians, only resulted in choking the regions. Such wars between governments can only produce negative impacts.

I would like to mention another example. In the area of fisheries in Quebec there were jurisdictional wars between governments, wars to determine who would take relevant measures. We can see the results of that today; we ended up with a complete moratorium on groundfish fishing. It is due among other things to the lack of concerted action on the part of governments competing with each other.

The ineffectiveness of the federal government's interventions could be attributed also to the fact that its initiatives are haphazard. Here are a few examples. On the one hand, it creates community futures committees which are locally based and help members of the community help themselves. I think it was a very interesting initiative in itself. But on the other hand, it closes post offices. Canada Post Corporation, also subject to spending cuts, has decided for its part to close a number of post offices in order to increase its productivity. So, it wants to help communities take control of their future but it takes away from them one of the tools they would need to do so. It is an illogical situation which must be denounced.

Another example is the decision to create business development centres. It says to the regions: "We are going to give you borrowing power and allow you to obtain the capital you need in order to use your entrepreneurial spirit", but at the same time, it is systematically dismantling the railway system. You may well ask me what is the relationship between the two.

Even if we give tons of money to the regions, if we do not maintain at least the development infrastructures already in place, we are wasting our time and our money.

The third example I want to give is the Eastern Quebec Development Plan versus the decision to close the CBC stations in the region. The purpose of this plan is to ensure that local communities whose livelihood depends on forest development have a bright future and are able to develop their territory, and to make sure that these communities are viable and enjoy a good quality of life. However, we also deny these communities the right to express themselves, to talk with one another by dismantling their regional communication network. That is another example of conflicting and unseemly action between the different tentacles of the federal octopus, if I may.

Finally, the federal government also acted inefficiently in its parallel interventions with other governments. On the one hand, in Quebec, a provincial structure was quietly setting up regional development councils, which evolved in regional consultation and development councils. These councils developed strategic plans for every region. All concerned parties in the region were consulted.

At the same time, the federal government was creating another structure, the Federal Office of Regional Development. It was an act of good will intended to inject some money into the regions, but it also set up other consultation committees which, for years, operated side by side with the regional development office. Such a structure does not allow for efficient economic management. No coordinated tangible results can be achieved this way since there is no structural relationship between these organizations. Regions want to stop wasting their energy trying to convince governments to act in accordance with their own strategic plans. Up to now the federal government has shown no sign of being aware of the regions' demands and of trying to be flexible enough to meet them.

The Gaspé Peninsula and the Lower St. Lawrence regional consultation and development councils mentioned tourism as one of their top priorities in terms of development. This year, one of the first things the Minister responsible for the Federal Office of Regional Development announced in the budget speech was that no more money would be allocated for bicycle paths. Tourism development is, therefore, a priority of the regions and the message they are getting from the party opposite is that the money earmarked for these priorities is being cut. To my mind, this is unacceptable.

Still another reason for the ongoing ineffectiveness of the federal government's action is the paralysis of sectoral departments. Let me give you an example. A number of years ago, a wharf was built in Trois-Pistoles to provide adequate facilities for fishermen. Over the years, the reason for the wharf's existence has changed. Today, the region feels that this wharf could play an important role in terms of tourism and regional development. It is an important link for the ferry between Trois-Pistoles and Les Escoumins and it needs to be upgraded. Wharf maintenance comes under federal jurisdiction, but we get the feeling that the more the federal government spends money on areas which are not necessarily its responsibility, the more it neglects to spend in areas for which it does have primary responsibility. In this instance, it has refused to spend money to renovate wharves. It seems to have forgotten about the river for the past 25 or 30 years.

When a member tries to navigate through this maze, he finds that he must go knocking on the doors of such departments as Fisheries and Oceans and Transport. However, development priorities of the officials working in these departments are tied to the department's mandate whereas the future of the wharf should not be tied to regional development objectives, but rather to tourism. Existing structures are not flexible enough to respond to changing times and to allow the local community to take charge of its destiny and make the necessary adjustments. Federal sectoral departments are too cumbersome and prevent individual regions from having their needs met.

This is a rather odd message to be sending out to the regions that want to take their future into their own hands and to municipalities like Trois-Pistoles which has expressed an interest in purchasing the wharf, provided it can be properly renovated. They are at a loss as to where to find someone whose primary concern is regional development, not simply the fulfilment of a sectoral mandate. Another example of the federal government's failure to focus on its traditional areas of jurisdiction is the lack of vision of pan-Canadian corporations in so far as the role of regional development is concerned.

Consider, for example, VIA Rail and the Canada Post Corporation. For a number of years now, VIA's policy has been to abandon rail lines and eliminate passenger rail services in order to save money. Local communities have been telling VIA Rail that the train is not only a means of transportation for local commuters, but it can also serve a wide range of purposes.

This fact was demonstrated most strikingly during the recent public hearings held by Rural Dignity in the Gaspesian Peninsula, when over 50 participants demonstrated that the train serving their region plays a major role in the tourist industry. An article was even written and published in 60 American papers, saying that this train really had special value; it could easily be made profitable, if marketed properly.

It is not within VIA Rail's mandate to promote regional development in Quebec and Canada. It was established by Cabinet to meet the demands of Cabinet. It would seem however that Cabinet never gave VIA any responsibilities with respect to regional development, judging from all the drastic cuts that were made. The Liberal caucus denounced these cuts in 1989 in a quality report listing all that should be done, but now that the Liberal Party is in power, it has laid this report aside. All we have to do, really, is dig this report up, update it a little and tell the people from the Liberal Party: "Now, carry out what you had committed to do in this report".

Let me give you another example of a Crown corporation with no regional responsibilities: Canada Post. The Canada Post Corporation was so successful in fulfilling its expenditure reduction mandate, it has stretched the elastic so much that it eventually snapped. This government did fulfil one commitment: it has put a moratorium on post office closures. But Canada Post itself, within its organization under its board of directors, has no regional development responsibilities. Its only responsibility is to make postal services profitable, and in so doing it may not take the wishes of the regions into consideration. This is obvious in its day-to-day operations, in every community.

I think that the federal government should ensure regional representation on the board of Canada Post and consideration of the economic, social and cultural impact in its decision making. I do not think that it is a problem of personalities or people at any level, be they federal or provincial officials or politicians--

and the people of eastern Quebec sent a very clear message on that. In last fall's election, the Liberal Party had a good candidate in Matane, who according to the old tradition said: "If I am elected, I want to be a minister in that government and that will give the region all it needs for its development". The people flatly turned down that approach which has been used for 25 years.

Saviours from outside and heroes who will make development happen are no longer the way to go. We have strategic planning and ways to take charge in our regions and I think that the message rural Quebec gave the federal government is this: "We do not want any more fleeting, flash-in-the-pan heroes. We want people who will work steadily and make structural changes so that the regions can develop".

Given the awful unemployment, exodus of young people, aging population and abandoned land, I think that the solutions must be drastic and sweeping. Whether in a federal system or a sovereign Quebec, it will be important in the short term to recognize the driving role of the regions. The organizations which arose from people's desire to take control of their own lives, like Rural Solidarity, Rural Emergency Coalition, Rural Dignity and the Ralliement of Gaspesians and Magdalen Islanders, want to ensure that their communities will live, and I think that what governments do should reflect that.

To do so, we must give the envelopes back to the regions. Regions must have full control over their envelopes. I will give you an example: the $200 million budget of the Federal Office of Regional Development could be decentralized by region so that, in terms of strategic planning for every region of Quebec, the $200 million allocated for all of Quebec could be replaced with regional envelopes; every region would then get an extra $10 million or so to spend on its own development.

Sectorial departments should also subordinate their action to regional priorities. We must ask the Department of Fisheries and Oceans and the Department of Transport whether their operations have a positive impact on regional development. Will the new, clarified air transport taxes hinder or promote regional development? We must take such actions. We must also assign a regional development mandate to Canadian corporations such as VIA Rail and Canada Post, just like the examples I gave earlier.

I myself think that the position taken by many Quebecers-and it is partly at the heart of our mandate-is that what has been done in the last 20 years have convinced Quebecers that our economic problems can be solved through sovereignty and decentralization. It is important that we have control over our own development and that the $28 billion in taxes that we pay to the federal government can be transferred to the regions so that these taxes can have a major economic impact and give the regions control over their own development.

If you are wondering why the Bloc Quebecois candidates were elected, here is an explanation: to denounce a system that does not work, to effect deep changes and to respond to the Prime Minister when he says that, to solve economic problems, he does not want to talk about sovereignty. In fact, our economic problems can be solved through a complete redistribution of powers, through decentralization. Our problem is one of architecture, of plumbing even, and that is why regional development is a major reason to achieve Quebec sovereignty.

Budget Implementation Act May 31st, 1994

I thank the hon. member for the relevance of his question. It is indeed a timely one.

I think that unemployment insurance is a tool which Canadians devised to avoid a repetition of a crisis such as the Depression in the thirties. At the time, there was no social safety net and people were no longer able to consume goods. Consequently, the whole economy came tumbling down. In a sense, the scenario is the same with Bill C-17. The government has decided to limit the spending power of UI recipients and the consequences of this decision will be similar, albeit less severe, to those in the thirties, during the Depression. There will be reduced consumption which, in turn, will mean even less jobs, thereby adversely affecting economic recovery.

Generally speaking, I think that the unemployment insurance issue must be considered in the context of an active employment policy. First, the government should announce that employment will be a priority. Second, it should develop an appropriate strategy. An important aspect of such an initiative-and something which we have been doing in Quebec for 20 years now-is to consult the various stakeholders to make employment a priority.

I believe it is very important, in such an exercise, to respect the effectiveness of local officials. In other words, if we try to implement the same employment policy right across Canada, we will experience the same problems as we did with the Bank of Canada trying to control the value of our dollar. Indeed, the Bank of Canada controlled the dollar based on the overheating economy of Ontario, while other parts of the country were not experiencing that activity. This had the effect, in those regions, of killing economic recovery.

The same thing will happen with employment if we think we can develop an employment policy applicable throughout the country. Because of the issues of mobility and of different types of workers, I think that, at least in each of the main regions, and possibly in most provinces-and that has long been one of Quebec's claims-the whole issue of employment should be managed in an integrated fashion, from the training provided to people to the way that we deal with people who are unemployed and who are looking for jobs. We should to able to bring all these aspects together, and also avoid spending money, as we are doing at the manpower level, where governments are wasting $250 million each year only because of the double structure.

If this decentralization were to occur in all parts of Canada, we would have annual savings of $1 billion which, instead of being spent on the structure, would be directly spent on providing training activities through programs allowing people to find jobs.

So, concerning the question of whether unemployment insurance is something that can never be touched, I believe it is a tool. In my mind, unemployment insurance should instead be an employment insurance allowing people who have the ability to work to effectively do so and, if they worked for 15 or 20 weeks before their employment came to an end, they would be able to earn money with, for example, social, community or government employers, but they should not be exploited. If these people were trained as technicians, for example, and would deserve a salary of $10 an hour, we should be able to offer them something through the insurance which they would earn and which would correspond to that amount, even if it were only be a part-time job.

So, some changes are possible in that area. I think that unemployment insurance is a tool, but it should be integrated into a structure, into an active employment policy so as to make it work. Countries where this works have given a very clear direction to these things.

Budget Implementation Act May 31st, 1994

Mr. Speaker, today I welcome this opportunity to speak to Bill C-17.

This bill is almost symbolic, because in it the government turns its back systematically on its political commitments, a government that was elected on a promise that it would put Canada back to work and that has now reversed its position. It decided that it is was back to the old routine, that nothing had

changed, although it promised something quite different during the election campaign.

Instead of proposing a strategy to promote employment, it has proposed the very opposite. Let me explain.

First of all, the number of weeks worked to be entitled to unemployment insurance has been increased. Instead of ten weeks of work to be eligible for employment insurance, people now need twelve weeks. In the Magdalen Islands, for instance, 43 per cent of the people who are on unemployment insurance cannot find work for more than 10 weeks. Today, I imagine the voters who elected the Liberal candidate in Bonaventure-Îles-de-la-Madeleine must feel betrayed, because the 43 per cent who worked only the minimum number of weeks will now have to go on welfare.

There was no consideration for the seasonal aspect of the economy in the Maritimes and especially in the Magdalen Islands. Even worse, the government is doing the exact opposite of what it promised during the election campaign, so it is also a matter of political ethics, and perhaps that is the worst aspect of Bill C-17. The bill could be seen as a symbol of the ineffectiveness of this government and of the way it has started to mislead the people during its first mandate and its first six months in Parliament.

And the same holds true for the reduction in weeks of benefits. Speaking on behalf of the Bloc Quebecois, the hon. member for Mercier explained how this bill would have a negative impact on all parts of the Maritimes, not only on the people affected by unemployment insurance cuts who will now have to go on welfare, but also on the small businesses that depend on the money these people spend.

I find it very hard to understand why members from the Maritimes who were elected by their constituents to provide a different kind of government have chosen to remain silent today and are not rising in the House to call their government to order and to say this does not make sense and it cannot send this kind of message. The unemployed are getting the following signal: the government is first going to make it harder to be eligible for unemployment insurance benefits, and then they will introduce social reform.

This could explain in part the comment by Wood Gundy in an investor's guide which says that in the defence sector the government has finally decided to use restraint, but that the measures announced so far impact only on a small part of the economy. This means that instead of a real employment strategy we are given a series of smaller decisions taken to respond to fiscal pressures, to soothe lenders. The original solutions that voters expected to put Canada and Quebec back to work have not been forthcoming.

Another thing which was clear and simple, and that we proposed in an amendment rejected by the Liberal government, was a lowering of premiums paid by employers. In the fall of 1993, immediately after the election, the government pulled one over on us and increased the premiums to $3.07. Then, for Bill C-17, it made a wonderful announcement. In a press release dated March 16 the minister says: "One of the measures is the lowering of unemployment insurance premiums, which will decrease the cost of job creation".

This lowering to $3 is scheduled for 1995. Tell me, do you know any unemployed who have long term jobs? I would like to know them. We must create jobs now, not just next year. It is not next year, or the year after or just before the next elections. The economy needs to be revived now. Wood Gundy said something I find very apt about the budget: "The government is hoping for a cyclical recovery of the economy to revive job creation". What it means is that the government machine is on automatic. What the government said is: "We do not have the means, we do not have the guts to make fundamental changes, and we do not have any clear idea of what we want in terms of job creation". So we have a piecemeal approach, we have measures that allow us to wait for a recovery. I am sure that every day, every month end, the ministers wonder whether the unemployment rate will finally go down a little, so they can use it as an argument. None of their actions has any impact. The automatic pilot is on, and we are waiting to see if the economy will recover somewhere.

Moreover, they are killing consumer confidence for those who could help the economy recover, namely UI recipients-who are also consumers-and civil servants whose wages are frozen.

Only a few months after being elected, this government told people: "We do not trust you. We will not enter into bargaining with you on behalf of others, since we would not be able to agree, anyway". It said that, just after the elections, to the Public Service Alliance of Canada which had told its members to vote for the Liberal Party in order to bring about changes. This government is devoid of political honesty and sends the message that, once elected, it does not have to honour its commitments. It is pure rubbish, of course. The way the Liberal government betrayed its campaign promises, especially with Bill C-17, will come back to haunt it.

Allow me to give you a little inkling of what this government is really like. During the election campaign, we were told that it would cut waste, tighten up the public purse, and manage everything as best as possible.

And then, it tries to put one over on us with this bill, giving borrowing authority to the CBC, a corporation which, in the past, has not always been the best of managers, and in fact, has often spent money unwisely and is still doing so. As we know, it offered $28 million for the TV rights to the next Olympic Games, whereas TVA had offered $10 million, while claiming that it had made no profit. Can you imagine the taxpayers' money being used to broadcast a world event for three weeks?

People in my riding find it totally unacceptable to spend $28 million that way, when the entire network of CBC regional stations has been closed down, and to see that the Liberal government has never said a word to reverse that decision. This kind of attitude is a slap in the face of people who are entitled to regional services. The government is taking advantage of an omnibus bill to put one over on us quickly as far as borrowing authority is concerned, without requiring the corporation to account in any way for the use of these funds.

Even when I give my children an allowance, I ask them to tell me a little how they plan to use the money. In some cases the government lends money and asks for an accounting, while in this instance, it is giving the corporation a $25 million margin to manoeuvre, without asking it for any king of accounting. This is another example of how this government behaves: as if it had been in power for eight years and was totally incapable of coming up with any fresh ideas or solutions to problems. The fact is that this government is only beginning its mandate. In its first few months in office, it has introduced a bill which systematically reneges on the commitments made during the election campaign.

I want to come back briefly to the issue of employer premiums. On the one hand, the government creates a nice, politically correct program such as the Infrastructure Program which allows it to announce in various locations available seasonal, temporary jobs. On the other hand, it introduces a measure which is not as glamorous as the Infrastructure Program, but which would allow those who create the most jobs, namely small and medium-sized businesses, to be active and give some confidence back to people. So what does the government do? It tells businesses to wait until 1995 for the premium level to be brought back to $3 per $100. In other words, it is sending out a message that job creation is not such a priority after all, that the machinery of government will lumber on, that the unemployment rate will fall one day and that jobs will ultimately be created.

Basically, this is typical of a government that has decided not to honour the promise it has made during the election campaign to give priority to job creation, to put the people of Quebec and Canada back to work, especially young people. Take for example the 4,000 engineers in Quebec who are out of work. Would it not be possible to develop some aggressive job-creation programs to provide work for these people?

I would say that, as far as job creation is concerned, this government does not make the grade. It is a failure. During the summer holiday just a few weeks away, wherever we go, if we visit campgrounds or attend any number of functions, people are going to tell us: "You politicians are all the same. You make election promises you never keep". That about sums up what this government, a government that wanted to give people hope, has accomplished.

I derive great pride from the fact that, for various reasons, the people of Quebec have decided that this government did not have what it took in terms of commitment, I mean the necessary level of credibility to honour its commitments. In that respect, we can be pretty proud of ourselves in Quebec. The people have voted for a party capable of representing them in the opposition, to make itself heard and state clearly what commitments have to be fulfilled in Quebec. There is nothing in Bill C-17 to give people hope.

When you tell people in need of a job: "The first thing we are going to do for you is to require that you work more weeks to qualify", you kill their confidence in the economy and contribute to maintaining the negative dynamics by which fear is fostered.

Bill C-17 was a golden opportunity for the government to put its cards on the table. Such a bill could have been used to address problems like tax havens and family trusts. Where in this bill are there measures affecting well-off people who could make a significant difference in terms of creating jobs? They have not be called on to help create jobs.

In fact, this bill is somewhat reminiscent of the budget as a whole. The Liberal government prepared a budget that was a little lazy. It could have taken advantage of the momentum created by its election to bring together all segments of Canadian society, including employers, unions and social groups, and ask them in December 1993: "What shall we do to stimulate employment?", to clearly show we must join forces on this.

Their budget consultation process was a bit of a sham because they did the opposite of what the people told them to do. They decided to throw out the old files prepared by the bureaucrats and to recycle the Campbell material into the Martin material. They continued to act like before without really stimulating employment.

I think this government relies way too much on the four-year mandate that lies ahead, telling itself: "We will hand out the usual goodies at the end of our mandate to ensure that we get re-elected". But they forget that their mandate is not to win the election but to offer good government, to ensure that Canadians have jobs that they like and that they can do something with it.

I would also like to let you know that some people asked this morning: "How can the people opposite-that is, Bloc members-criticize such a bill when what they want is to break up Canada?"

Instead of scaremongering, I can tell you that in proposing our amendments to Bill C-17, we tried to defend the interests of Quebecers. When we say that increasing the number of weeks of work required to qualify for UI goes against common sense, you

can be sure that in my region, in the Lower St. Lawrence, the Gaspé and the islands, everyone understands what it means.

This bill does not bring into question Canada's structure but rather the efficiency of this government. It offers a number of little recipes, of mini-measures, that did not convey to anybody the message that the first budget of the Liberal government would really emphasize job creation. They decided to give a little to everyone and tried to get by on a traditional economic recovery.

Although these people call themselves experts and say they are concerned about the economy, I think there is a lack of vision. They did not see that North America and the entire Western world are currently undergoing deep structural changes and that such measures will not provide Quebec and Canada with the tools they need to hold their own in the new global economy.

I think that Bill C-17 is unacceptable. I am thinking especially of members who represent ridings in eastern Canada. Personally, if I were a member from the Maritimes and I voted for this bill, I think that I would find the coming summer, fall and winter very long, because after the summer when a few seasonal jobs are available, people will face the fall and winter and, if they did not work the minimum number of weeks, they will end up on welfare. They will have less to spend on consumer goods and this will affect the whole economy of eastern Canada.

If this had been presented by a Conservative government, we would have said that they were keeping their commitments, people elected them for that, we may agree or not, but they would be doing what was expected of them. But this is presented by a government that said it would be different, a different kind of government that would change things and take a different approach to the economy and make job creation a priority. And nowhere do we find any of these things there.

All we find, and I think that I will conclude with this, is a budget whose only purpose is to make some lenders feel secure and it does not even achieve this result.

The people who lend money to Canada now did not applaud this budget; they just said that they thought the real Liberal budget would come next year. There was no Liberal budget, it is the same as the Conservatives'. The message given to the senior federal public service is that things are all right and that we will continue as before; with this government, we will continue to pass on our good figures, our good results, and our vision of development, whereas the people who were elected, especially the 200 or so new members, whatever their party, certainly came here to manage Canada differently from the way it was run in the past and to make Canadians feel that changes were being made.

If they said that they would tackle unemployment head on, it would have had a small effect on inflation, but I think that the people would have been prepared to accept it because they have suffered so much from the negative consequences of unemployment. A whole generation was sacrificed. When you look at the résumé of someone who is 25, 30 or 35 years old, you see that they worked on a project for three months, then were unemployed for six months, worked on another small project for two months and then were jobless for a year. That generation will not have the skills needed to take over when the time comes.

Bill C-17 is important for the government, because it will be judged by it. The people in our communities will not say that Bill C-17 is a bad piece of legislation. Instead, they will say that the Liberal government does not keep its promises or its commitments and that it has absolutely no credibility. The people will easily come to those conclusions, because they can expect nothing concrete to come out of these measures, nothing that would prove that economic recovery is on the way.

We will eventually achieve economic recovery if the government decides to launch initiatives that bring all stakeholders to focus clearly on one priority, job creation. By telling small employers that, in 1994, they will get $3.07 for every $100, the government is sending them the message that they need not put so much emphasis on job creation, because it is not giving them the flexibility they need to create more jobs.

All of the provisions included in Bill C-17, whether it is the increase in the number of insurable weeks to become eligible for UI benefits, the reduction in the weeks of benefit, the salary freeze for civil servants, or the unaccountable borrowing authority given to the CBC, send out a very clear message to Canadians, which is that the current government has decided not to honour its commitments, but instead to watch the economy from the sidelines rather than play an active role in this area.

Postal Services Review Act May 27th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I wish to commend the hon. member for Glengarry-Prescott-Russell for his speech. I do not know whether he remembers, but we once met at the Saint-Clément post office, one of the post offices that was closed. I agree with the hon. member that the previous government lacked the most elementary respect for every aspect of rural development and for the vital role played by post offices in rural communities.

I agree with his objections to the policy of also making closures contingent on the age of the postmaster. I do not think the policy made much sense.

In any event, the moratorium ordered by the Liberal government was also mentioned by the Bloc québécois during the last election campaign, and in fact, we can say it probably came as a result of the will of the community and the leadership provided by people like members of Rural Dignity and the postmasters' association.

I think we have them to thank for this decision, and I believe that Quebecers and Canadians sent a very clear signal to the government that they rejected this somewhat ruthless policy.

Where the hon. member for Glengarry-Prescott-Russell and I differ is on the quality of the moratorium. The one we have now is full of holes. I will give you an example. The minister has refused to reconsider past mistakes. The member for Glengarry-Prescott-Russell talked earlier about the post office in St. Albert and I am talking about the post office in Saint-Clément.

The Liberals, who were then in the opposition, supported the reopening but, as soon as they were elected, they declared a moratorium. The Liberals now completely discard the possibility to examine those cases where real flaws have been identified, even the ones they denounced when they were in the opposition.

I have a short message to convey in this regard. The people of Saint-Clément are very patient. They take their time but they usually win and they have taken steps to have the post office reopened.

This will be an opportunity to see if the Liberal government, with this moratorium, really wants the communities to have their post office, because the will shown by the people of Saint-Clément will be supported by those of the area and-which will be very different from the last time-by the member for Kamouraska-Rivière-du-Loup who supports people of Saint-Clément, rather than the opposite.

The moratorium declared by the Liberals also has other flaws, for instance the fact there will be no post office closing in municipalities with less than two post offices. This may look fine, but I am witnessing in my own riding another situation rather absurd, I must say, where it has been decided that a part of the mail going to Rivière-du-Loup would be sorted in Rimouski, approximately 100 kilometres away.

So they do not close the post office in a municipality-the moratorium forbids it-but they dismantle it from within. It certainly does not look like the best solution.

I feel this is more like playing on words. They are not respecting the essence of the moratorium by doing things like that, but there again they launched a process which I hope will succeed in guaranteeing the future of the post office in Rivière-du-Loup and will, at the same time, contribute to the economic development of the region.

As we said before, I think good common sense would dictate that the post office not be closed simply because the postmaster is reaching retirement age and that we do not, for no reasonable cause, send a postmaster to sort mail in a post office elsewhere when in fact there is work to be done sorting mail in his own municipality.

I believe the member for Glengarry-Prescott-Russell is very persistent since he is tabling the same bill again, but his government does not have the same kind of backbone. In fact, the government could have proposed such a bill; the Bloc Quebecois would not have been opposed to the implementation of a regulation mechanism for the operations of the Canada Post Corporation. Provided that the system we set up is not too bureaucratic, I believe that, indeed, the action plan of an agency like Canada Post Corporation needs to be reviewed by the elected representatives of the people, because the objectives given to the corporation are not necessarily social, whereas government objectives could be.

I am glad that this bill has been introduced, but I am sorry that it is not a votable item, because there will be no real follow-up on it. Moreover, it is not introduced by the government, and the government should be criticized on that score.

What we need in this area is a real policy, a comprehensive policy that would show that we want to behave differently from the Conservatives. If we had a system guaranteeing openness of actions and mandate, if we had a board of directors made up differently, for example with representatives of the regions of Quebec or Canada, Canada Post would be more likely to listen to the regions and to consider more than strict productivity.

I believe that the employees of Canada Post do their jobs. They do them well, but according to the mandates they receive. If the board of directors was made up of people concerned with rural development they would certainly act differently.

Also, and this is quite obvious, we really need to change the approach to human resource management. Do you know that presently, in the post office of a medium-size town, there is no postmaster? Someone is in charge of sorting, someone else is in charge of marketing, but there is no real boss. That means that within the same organisation someone is only concerned about costs whereas somebody else deals with sales. No small business managed that way would last more than a year. There is nobody to balance both sides of the operation and that puts us in a ludicrous situation.

Moreover, there is a long history of bitter labour disputes, and a great degree of openness is needed to create a different climate at the Post Office.

Everything remains to be done at the Canada Post Corporation. We must salute the efforts made by the member for Glengarry-Prescott-Russell, and recognize the need for an adequate regulation process that would not be overly bureaucratic, but we must go further than that. It is now up to the government. It must give a clear message. We need more than a moratorium full of loopholes which allows the Canada Post Corporation to pursue its down-sizing process without regards for the needs of regional communities. The government must make its position known and state unequivocally that the Post Office, as well as VIA Rail and other transportation companies, are regional development tools.

It is only when we receive this kind of message from the government, through its minister, that we will be able to say that the mission has been accomplished. In the meantime, everything remains to be done.

Department Of Labour Act May 27th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I was very impressed by the passion displayed by the hon. member in his presentation and the quality of the arguments put forward, but I would have a brief comment to make.

I would have liked him to have displayed and to display the same passion on the UI entrance requirement issue. So, here is my question: if we are going to be this compassionate and supportive of plant workers confronted to the difficult situation of finding themselves jobless and unable to find a new job, how does he reconcile this position, these impassioned and perfectly justified remarks with the provisions concerning 50-year old workers?

How does he reconcile that with the changes made to the unemployment policy, changes which, as it is, will affect mainly the provinces he is particularly concerned for?

Let me give you an example. In the Magdalen Islands, last year, 43 per cent of UI recipients could barely meet the minimum 10-week requirement. With the proposed changes to the Unemployment Insurance Act, many of these people will be forced onto the welfare rolls.

I was wondering if the hon. member would not see fit to make on their behalf representations similar to those he has just made to his government regarding the increase in the number of weeks of work required to qualify for unemployment insurance and the reduction of the benefit period. Could he not put the same arguments to his government, and particularly to the Minister of Human Resources Development, to be realistic and show compassion for the workers affected because fish plant workers seldom manage to find work for more than 10 weeks?

Would the hon. member be prepared to make representations to the Minister of Human Resources Development to at least restore the status quo with respect to UI benefits and the length of the benefit period?