Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament April 1997, as Bloc MP for Lotbinière (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2008, with 1% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Referendum Campaign October 26th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the vision of doom and gloom of the No side has just been refuted in a report released by a major American brokerage house. Indeed, the New York firm of Donaldson, Lufkin and Jenrette argues that, should the sovereignty option prevail, first, the credit rating of the Quebec government would not be affected, second, market uncertainty would be short-lived, and third, the economic situation would remain stable.

This is similar to the findings of a recent study undertaken by the advisory director of the fourth major commercial bank in the United States, who said, and I quote: "In conclusion, according to the rating and the views of the capital markets, if the people opt for sovereignty, the most likely result would be between neutral and positive".

The fear tactics used by the No side are no longer credible and do not scare anyone any more. Quebec now has all the assets to face the future and take control of its economic levers.

Agriculture And Agri-Food Administrative Monetary Penalties Act October 26th, 1995

moved:

Motion No. 21

That Bill C-61, in Clause 29, be amended by replacing line 5, on page 14, with the following:

"nor in Council with the approval of the committee of the House of Commons that normally considers agricultural matters, one of whom shall be ap-".

Motion No. 22

That Bill C-61 in Clause 29 be amended by adding immediately after line 6, on page 14, the following:

"(1.1) No person may be appointed to the Tribunal by the Governor in Council without the prior approval of the committee of the House of Commons that normally considers matters relating to agriculture."

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to participate in the debate on Bill C-61, the Agriculture and Agri-Food Administrative Monetary Penalties Act.

I will explain Motions Nos. 21 and 22, on behalf of the Bloc Quebecois. These motions seek to limit the discretionary power of the Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food.

Clause 29 of Bill C-61 provides that the chairperson and members of the review tribunal are appointed by the governor in council. Motion No. 21, tabled by us, provides that Bill C-61, in Clause 29, be amended by replacing line 5, on page 14, with the following:

"nor in Council with the approval of the committee of the House of Commons that normally considers agricultural matters, one of whom shall be ap-".

As for Motion No. 22, it provides that Bill C-61, in Clause 29, be amended by adding immediately after line 6, on page 14, the following:

"(1.1) No person may be appointed to the Tribunal by the Governor in Council without the prior approval of the committee of the House of Commons that normally considers matters relating to agriculture".

These proposed changes seek to establish a more transparent process regarding the appointment of the tribunal's members and chairperson. We cannot let the minister appoint members alone. I strongly objected to that a few moments ago. If he so wishes, an offender could be heard by the review tribunal.

In its present form, the bill provides that members of this tribunal are appointed by the minister and that their mandate can be renewed. These members must review decisions made by department officials who, of course, are accountable to the minister. Earlier, I alluded to possible conflicts of interest, and I still think that such a risk exists.

Could people appointed by the minister be pressured into making decisions which they would not otherwise make? No matter how small the risk, we simply cannot take that chance. It would make a lot more sense if members of the tribunal were appointed by the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Agri-food, after reviewing whether or not certain issues posed problems in terms of how they were dealt with.

We simply want to avoid any risk of arbitrary decisions or patronage appointments. We understand and accept the principle underlying that bill, but we oppose any compliance agreement or arbitrary appointment by the minister.

This is why we are asking this House to at least support the amendments proposed by the Bloc Quebecois. I certainly hope that we are not the only ones here who seek transparency.

Agriculture And Agri-Food Administrative Monetary Penalties Act October 26th, 1995

moved:

Motion No. 16

That Bill C-61, in Clause 14, be amended by replacing lines 4 to 16, on page 9, with the following:

"under this Act, the Tribunal shall, by order, as the case may be, determine whether or not the person requesting the review committed a violation and, where the Tribunal decides that the person committed a violation but considers that the amount of the penalty for the violation, if any, was not established in accordance with the regulations, the Tribunal shall correct the amount of the penalty, and the Tribunal shall cause a notice of any or-".

Motion No. 17

That Bill C-61, in Clause 15, be amended by deleting lines 38 to 42, on page 9 and lines 1 to 7, on page 10.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to oppose Bill C-61, because we feel it is unacceptable in its present form. Myself and my party fully agree with the underlying principle, which is to save taxpayers time

and money. However, it seems that the government always opens the door to all sorts of harmful effects.

This bill could have a major adverse impact on compliance and fairness. Moreover, if the department is setting up a system of monetary penalties it is because it feels such a system can greatly simplify the procedures used to ensure compliance, and therefore result in major savings to Canadian taxpayers. The problem is that the government did not anticipate the possibility that some decisions related to the process may be totally arbitrary. We oppose the compliance agreements which allow the designated person to reduce the penalty imposed to an offender. Such a procedure is unfair.

The government should also have told us about the potential savings associated with the implementation of this bill. Allowing a person designated by the department to enter into a compliance agreement with an offender is totally unacceptable. Under such an arrangement, the offender's penalty would be reduced by one dollar for every two dollars that the company would invest to improve its procedures, buy new material or train its staff. As far as I know, our justice system does not allow an offender to negotiate his or her penalty. Bargaining penalties is not part of our way of doing things. Just ask those who get arrested for speeding: either you are guilty and pay the full amount of the fine, or you challenge the decision before the court and the judge makes a ruling.

Under our justice system, an offender must assume the consequences of his acts. An offender who has the means to invest money to correct a specific situation would benefit from that provision. This bill is as unfair as you can get. Such preferential treatment is based on the spending power of an individual or a company, and that is unfair.

Moreover, can the government tell us who will evaluate the cost of efforts made by the individual or company to remedy the situation? Training, equipment, all these things cost more or less, depending on where you live. Offenders would be penalized if they live in a region where these costs are high. What is more, will they be informed of all of the approaches available to them for correcting the situation? And what if, with the complicity of suppliers, our offender produces padded invoices? Frankly, there are tax or other incentives which could be used if we are seeking to step up investments or training in a company. But for goodness' sake , let us not link it with negotiation of a sentence.

Another unacceptable point: the bill calls for a 50 per cent reduction in the penalty if the person committing the violation pays the fine without contesting or requesting a review. Here the government is attacking the very foundations of presumed innocence. A number of hon. members are lawyers and they know this is a fundamental right. A person is considered innocent until proven otherwise in our legal system, is he not?

Let us look at an obscure situation in which there were grounds to request a review. The minister would tell the individual or company that it would be in his or its best interests to be seen and not heard. Of course, he could ask for a review, but with a gun at his head. He will be told that he has already been found guilty and that, if he wants to reduce his penalty, he has only to pay up without a fuss.

Where does the right of any individual to representation come in? Who will help the person presumed to have committed the violation to defend his point of view?

The individual may obtain a hearing before a tribunal, however, if he insists. But beware of conflicts of interest. Listen carefully to how the thing works: the tribunal is appointed by the minister. The members, whose mandate is renewable, have to assess decisions made by departmental employees.

And the latter answer to the minister. That is how it goes. It seems to me that the tribunal members could very easily be appointed by the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Agri-Food after an assessment of whether the handling of certain cases has or has not caused problems. Another point not made clear is whether the individual will have to travel to Ottawa for a hearing.

This government just loves to complicate things. Another department I will not mention, Transport Canada, uses a system of monetary sanctions. Unlike Agriculture and Agri-Food, however, Transport Canada has no mechanism allowing it to reduce penalties if the offending individual decides to pay up without an argument. There is no reduction either if he decides to invest in improvements to the facilities which earned him the fine.

It is unnecessary to offer some sort of penalty reduction bonus as an incentive for violators to pay up, because in many cases, contesting the penalty costs more than the penalty itself.

The government wants to save money. So do we. The bill before the House today proposes to amend eight acts. Most of these acts concern areas that are already administered by the provinces.

Did the government start by consulting the provinces to find out whether the monetary penalty system is a concept they would recognize, and did it then consider whether the provinces would not be in a better position to administer the system? It is high time we put an end to unnecessary duplication in inspection services.

Too often the federal inspection system's only excuse for being there at all is the international standards it enforces in order to meet international trade requirements. Why not let the provinces

enforce these standards themselves? Then we would certainly save money.

In concluding, we support initiatives that help relieve pressure on the courts. Consequently, as I said at the beginning of my speech, we support the principle of Bill C-61. However, we do not agree with the double standard the Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food wishes to introduce by reducing penalties for violators who plead guilty without asking for a review or who will invest to correct the situation.

In fact, the agreement process the department wishes to impose is certainly not essential to the bill, especially since it is a potential source of arbitrariness and inequity. I would urge the House to vote in favour of the amendments proposed by the Bloc Quebecois, in order to correct a bill that might otherwise have a disastrous impact on the concept of equity in our legal system.

Agriculture And Agri-Food Administrative Monetary Penalties Act October 26th, 1995

moved:

Motion No. 12

That Bill C-61 be amended by deleting Clause 11.

Motion No. 13

That Bill C-61 be amended by deleting Clause 12.

Motion No. 14

That Bill C-61 be amended by deleting Clause 13.

Agriculture And Agri-Food Administrative Monetary Penalties Act October 26th, 1995

moved:

Motion No. 2

That Bill C-61, in Clause 4, be amended by replacing lines 32 to 34, on page 2, with the following:

"reduced;".

Motion No. 6

That Bill C-61, in Clause 8, be amended by replacing line 7, on page 5, with the following:

"the Tribunal."

Motion No. 7

That Bill C-61, in Clause 9, be amended by replacing lines 15 to 19, on page 5, with the following:

"penalty, the person named in the notice may pay the amount of the penalty in the prescribed time and manner.

(1.1) Where a person pays the amount referred to in subsection (1),".

Motion No. 8

That Bill C-61, in Clause 9, be amended by replacing lines 32 to 40, on page 5, with the following:

"in the prescribed time and manner, request a review by the Tribunal of the".

Motion No. 9

That Bill C-61 be amended by deleting Clause 10.

Agriculture And Agri-Food Administrative Monetary Penalties Act October 26th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I want to address Motion No. 2. I apologize. I spoke too soon. I am sorry.

Agriculture And Agri-Food Administrative Monetary Penalties Act October 26th, 1995

What is the problem?

Agriculture And Agri-Food Administrative Monetary Penalties Act October 26th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I must take part in the debate on Bill C-61 today, because this bill cannot be agreed on as presented by the government, on the basis that it would save time and money for the taxpayers.

I entirely agree with the principle, and so does my party, but the government always has to leave the door open to all kinds of adverse consequences.

This bill could have serious consequences in terms of disregard for judicial fairness. If the department introduces a system of monetary penalties, it must be because it believes that this will significantly reduce the need for enforcement actions, thus generating substantial savings for taxpayers.

The big problem is that the government did not foresee the risks that making totally arbitrary decisions on the enforcement of such penalties entail. We object to reducing penalties imposed on offenders by concluding compliance agreements. That is unfair.

It would have been enlightening for the government to advise us of the potential savings resulting from this bill. This legislation contains a totally unacceptable principle, authorizing the person designated by the minister to conclude an agreement with the offender, whose fine would be reduced by $1 for every $2 invested by the business into improving its process, buying new equipment or training its employees. As far as I know, penalties are not negotiable in our justice system. Bargaining fines is not something we do in Quebec. Anyone who was stopped for speeding knows what I mean: either you are guilty and you pay the full amount of the fine or you go to court and let the judge decide.

The existing justice system provides that the person who is guilty of a fault must bear the consequences of his or her actions. Instead, with this bill, a wealthy offender, one who can more easily afford making investments to remedy a particular situation, is rewarded. In the way of unequal treatment, you can hardly find worse. This is preferential treatment based on the financial capability of an individual or business, and that is unfair.

I would also like the government to tell us who will be in charge of assessing the cost of the efforts made by offending individuals or businesses to remedy the situation. Training, equipment, all that can cost more in one region than in another. In a region where it costs more, offenders will be penalized. Moreover, will they be informed of all the means made available to them to correct the situation? And what if an offender, in collusion with suppliers, presented inflated bills? Frankly, there are tax or other incentives which could be used to promote investment and training by companies. For heaven's sake, let us not negotiate penalties.

Another unacceptable provision in this bill is the one which provides for a 50 per cent reduction of the penalty if the offender pays it without appealing the decision or asking for a hearing. With that provision, the government undermines the presumption of innocence. A number of members of this House are lawyers and they know that the presumption of innocence is a fundamental right. Indeed, under our legal system, a person is deemed innocent until there is evidence to the contrary.

Let us take an unclear situation where there would be grounds for challenging the decision. The minister would tell the individual or business that it is in their best interest to keep a low profile, otherwise, they would of course have to submit to a hearing-

Council For Canadian Unity October 25th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, how can the minister justify that the council is enjoying the status of a charity, considering that, in order to obtain this status, an organization must help alleviate the problem of poverty, or promote education or religion?

Council For Canadian Unity October 25th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of National Revenue. The Council for Canadian Unity is very active these days, since its mission is to promote Canadian unity.

How can the minister justify that, when making donations to the council, large Canadian corporations, including Alcan, Proctor and Gamble, Dow Chemical and Maclean Hunter, can obtain receipts for charitable donations and thus lower their tax liability?