House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was transport.

Last in Parliament March 2011, as Bloc MP for Montmorency—Charlevoix—Haute-Côte-Nord (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2011, with 35% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Mil Davie Shipyard April 13th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, in the daily newspaper La Presse , the president of the MIL Davie shipyard says that he needs two contracts from the federal government to complete the military to civilian conversion of the company. These two contracts are to build a ferry for the Magdalen Islands and to build a multi-purpose ``smart ship''.

Analysts say that the world market for merchant ships will grow strongly for ten years starting in late 1995.

MIL Davie is in the midst of restructuring and has made major productivity gains since 1991. These gains will be even larger once its conversion plan is implemented.

Through its lack of vision and indecision on all employment-related issues, the government is endangering the survival of a potentially profitable shipyard which generates thousands of jobs in the Quebec City region.

Mil Davie Shipbuilding April 12th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, does the government realize that, with every passing day, its inaction threatens the survival of the biggest private business in the Quebec City region and that it would be dangerous to put off its decision for partisan purposes until the election in Quebec?

Mil Davie Shipbuilding April 12th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, the future of MIL Davie Shipbuilding in the Quebec City region remains very much in doubt. To survive, the only shipyard in Quebec needs a quick decision from the federal government on two specific issues. However, the government is still deferring its decision on the proposal to build a ferry for the Magdalen Islands and refuses to disclose its intentions regarding the multi-functional "smart ship" project.

My question is for the Minister of Industry. If the government still believes in employment, why is it putting off its decision on these two projects, when they are part of a real defence industry conversion strategy and would ensure the future of this shipyard?

Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Suspension Act, 1994 April 12th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I will start by denouncing the attitude of Reform Party members to their own amendment. It is curious, not to say strange, that members elected on a platform to reform Parliament let the other opposition party monopolize debate on their own amendment. This is curious.

In my native region of Saguenay, we call that: "Do as I say, not as I do". Like my colleague who just spoke, I am totally against the amendment proposed which would reduce from 24 months to 12 the period allowed to study a new electoral map.

Indeed, I think that we clearly indicated that we would agree with the government position to defer this whole issue by 24 months. Why do we need more time ? First, we think that criteria other than demographics must be considered. It is true that we must have balanced electoral districts with about 70,000 people, but we should also consider other criteria such as the size of the territory.

We know that my riding of Beauport-Montmorency-Orléans entirely encompasses the provincial riding of Montmorency, a part of the provincial riding of Charlevoix and a part of the provincial riding of Beauport-Limoilou. So, a single federal district includes all or part of three provincial ridings. I am sure that it is exactly the same in the other Canadian provinces.

Second, of course, if we have large federal electoral districts, chances are that we will have a very large number of municipalities in that territory, each municipality having different characteristics and different needs.

The third reason or third criterion that leads us to prefer a 24-month deferral is the number of regional county municipalities, entities that are specific to Quebec and that essentially constitute regional self-governments. When we have a large federal riding, it sometimes overlaps more than one RCM, once again with different characteristics, needs and concerns.

Finally, the fourth point that leads me to prefer this deferral is the social and economic components of each of these municipalities.

Since we have an opposition role to play and are not here to praise the government in office, despite what the member for Saint-Boniface is saying, we can blame the Liberals for delaying the bill with the consultations that are getting under way. In this issue, it is as if the arms did not know what the brain is asking for. I leave it up to you to determine who constitutes the arms and who constitutes the brain, but we realize, because of the delay in tabling this bill, that the consultations should never have started.

In our opinion, the reform should have a greater scope. Without calling it by its name, I would be remiss if I forgot that the Bloc Quebecois, and the majority of Quebeckers in general, are asking for the abolition of the other House, knowing how efficient members of that House are and how efficient that institution as such is. We know that in 1993, the other House sat for 41 days, at a cost $43 million to the Canadian treasury. Reform could also encompass out right abolition of the other House.

In concluding, I would like to tell you that, nevertheless, in Quebec, we are convinced that the reform will have a greater scope because, very soon, Quebeckers will have to decide their future in a referendum that will be coming in the new year.

Budget Implementation Act, 1994 April 11th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, if the hon. member for the Reform Party sees a contradiction between statements by members of the Bloc and what we receive from the federal government, I want to make it clear that every year, Quebecers pay $28 billion in taxes to Ottawa. I hope that when the federal government invests in Quebec, no one here thinks the government is doing us a favour. It is our money, because we pay $28 billion in taxes.

As long as we are part of this system, and until such time as Quebecers say they really want to form a country, and in any event, Reform Party members who keep presenting petitions against official languages in Canada won't have a problem any more with what happens in Quebec. Quebec will be a French nation. You won't have to present any more petitions to complain about federal investment in Quebec, because Quebec will manage its own taxes, both federal taxes and provincial taxes.

So there is no contradiction involved in claiming our due while we are part of this system. The federal government is not doing us a favour.

Regarding investments in a high-speed train service, a task force including representatives from the Government of Ontario and the Government of Quebec and chaired by the hon. Rémi Bujold, former M.P. for Bonaventure-Îles-de-la-Madeleine, has shown that a Quebec-Windsor high-speed train could be 70 per cent financed by the private sector, while the government could inject 30 per cent, which would represent investments totalling about $2.3 billion. The revenue generated by 120,000 person-years of work during construction and 40,000 person-years when a high-speed train is in operation would total $1.8 billion, which means that the difference between $2.3 billion and what the federal government would contribute with $1.8 billion in tax revenues would be $500 million.

We voted in favour of a project worth several billion dollars to build a fixed link between Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick, because we felt it was a good project. We are convinced that if this proposal is debated in this House, a project that would create jobs, export technology, and nevertheless have a limited impact on the public purse, with 70 per cent participation by the private sector, it would be a very attractive proposition for Canada and Quebec.

Budget Implementation Act, 1994 April 11th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, listening to the hon. member for St. Boniface, I am pleased to learn that we are allowed to accuse one another of making dishonest comments. I wonder if the hon. member heard the first part of my speech. I think he may have come in partway through. I will nonetheless answer his two belated questions.

First, what we blame the present Liberal government for is that in its February 22 budget it came up with nothing more than a national infrastructure program which will cost $2 billion in federal taxes, $2 billion in provincial taxes and $2 billion in municipal taxes, after running its campaign on a platform of jobs, jobs, jobs. This program will create 45,000 jobs per year, but just temporary ones. When Metropolitan Boulevard in Montreal and Saint-Jean Street in Quebec City have been upgraded, and the sidewalks redone, what other structural projects will there be to create permanent employment?

We, in the Bloc Quebecois, have suggested innovative job creation projects. A project like the high speed train would create 120,000 work-years of employment for the duration of the construction phase as well as 40,000 permanent jobs to operate the Quebec-Windsor corridor. It would also be possible to export Bombardier technology under North American licence for use in ten upcoming HST projects. Two hundred billion in investments over the next 12 years, that is what infrastructure programs, programs that create permanent jobs and high-tech jobs are about. That is my position with regard to the national debt and the deficit.

I will also remind the hon. member for St. Boniface that, had Quebec said yes in the 1980 referendum, the accumulated federal deficit was $75 billion at the time, compared to over $500 billion today. At this rate, what we are going to tell the people of Quebec next time around is that we can no longer afford to remain part of this country; we must get out because it is headed for a $600-billion or $700-billion deficit. That will be one of the arguments in the next referendum campaign.

As for deterrent fees, it is true that, since January 17, I have never heard the Minister of Health, or anyone else for that matter, say there would be any. I must admit that is true. Yet, with regard to the provinces' finances, the danger is that all of them end up facing cash flow difficulties and that the have-not provinces can no longer afford providing health care services because of cuts in federal transfer payments.

In Quebec, we are facing a real danger of finding ourselves back, like in the 1950s, with two types of medical practices: one for the rich and another one for the poor. With sickness striking without distinction of social status, race, language, and so on, there is a danger that the only way some Quebecers will be able to afford treatment will be to mortgage their home and belongings or to sell everything. That is the danger. It is true that the federal government never talked about imposing deterrent fees, but it does put the provinces in a situation where they could well experience cash flow and public finance problems that may divide people into two classes for health care.

Budget Implementation Act, 1994 April 11th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, on Friday, March 25, my colleague, the hon. member for Mercier, addressed this House on Bill C-17. She asked members to adopt the following amendment: "That this House refuse to proceed with the second reading of Bill C-17, an Act to amend certain statutes to implement certain provisions of the budget tabled in Parliament on February 22, 1994; 1) given that the amendments to the Unemployment Insurance Act do not reduce the inequities between have and have-not regions in the country and contain no specific measures to reduce youth unemployment; 2) given that the amendments to the Unemployment Insurance Act do not cancel the increase in premiums paid by workers and employers in effect since January 1, 1994."

Today is the period allocated to ask the House to adopt this amendment. The reasons that led my colleague to present her amendment are increasingly relevant, and the population, particularly in Eastern Canada, clearly supports our demands. It is unacceptable to ask Atlantic and Quebec recipients to become scapegoats so that the current government can satisfy its appetite for rationalization in unemployment insurance as impartially as it does in this bill.

As my colleague from Mercier clearly stated in this House, we cannot ask Atlantic Canadians, who account for 8.5 per cent of the Canadian population, to accept cuts of 26 per cent of the unemployment insurance budget. We have the same problem in Quebec, where 25 per cent of the Canadian population will be hit by cuts of 31 per cent.

Quebec has known for a long time that the Liberal Party of Canada was going to impose such economic losses on Quebec if it came to power. It knew that the Liberal government would present bills allowing it to save $5.5 billion over three years and that the bill would be split inequitably among the provinces. In the proposals contained in Bill C-17, Quebec and the Maritimes end up with a large portion of the bill while western Canada and Ontario are much less affected.

Quebec knew that one of the first measures taken by the Liberal government would be to approve an increase of 7 cents in unemployment insurance premium rates, which it did on January 1, 1994, nine weeks after being elected. Quebec knew that this increase would eliminate 9,000 jobs. And to look good, this same government proposes to re-create these same 9,000 jobs in 1995 and 1996 by bringing premiums down to their 1993 levels.

The government gives with one hand what it took with the other and expects to be taken seriously. Quebecers were not fooled. They elected 54 members of the Bloc Quebecois to defend their interests, and that is what we intend to do here until Quebec becomes a separate country, and we demand that the redistribution of wealth, whether through unemployment insurance or any other social benefit, be fair until Quebecers hold all the levers of economic control and are masters in their own country, Quebec.

If Bill C-17 extends for two years the freeze on compensation for federally appointed judges, Parliamentary agents, the Governor General, the Lieutenant Governors and parliamentarians, fine, but it is not all right if it raises the premiums of workers whose buying power is already lower and the premiums of companies that already have trouble competing in a world of global markets; that is unacceptable.

However, the Minister of Finance had the opportunity on February 22 to present a budget for a fair redistribution of wealth by taxing the richest individuals and sparing the poorest. That is not what the Minister of Finance did. He presented a budget in which he projected a deficit of $39.7 billion for 1994-95, when the total debt has already exceeded $500 billion.

On March 7, I asked this House to fight the deficit and waste. I suggested to this House some ways to create permanent jobs and to improve Canada's finances. Today I would like to add some ways to reduce the deficit, improve our economy and make our people more secure, while redistributing our wealth fairly and equitably.

Let us look at water transportation. In his budget speech, the finance minister mentions the upgrading of ground transportation but fails to specify how it will be done.

Well before the advent of rail and air transportation or trucking, waterways were used by the early settlers. Canada goes from sea to sea and holds the largest bodies of fresh water in the world. A majestic river flows through it. Canadian harbours played a critical role in the development of Canada and Quebec. However, in recent years, the majority of ports have been experiencing serious problems.

And yet, waterways provide the most economical and the least polluting means of transportation. Our merchant marine has been all but abandoned and our shipyards are facing great difficulties, especially in Quebec. It is not a question of building ships just for the sake of it; indeed, we can and must build ships to lower transportation costs and preserve the environment we live in.

The development of Quebec City's harbour and most ports along the St. Lawrence Seaway is based mainly on grain transportation. Whereas western ports see their share of grain shipments increased, St. Lawrence Seaway harbours are nearly at a standstill. The problem is compounded by a drop in Russia's grain purchases due to an excellent wheat crop in that country. What are we to do in such a situation? We must find another vocation for our majestic river and our fresh water bodies. For example, cruises are an ever-expanding sector both in the

United States and in Canada. Some 7,500 people went on cruises ending in Quebec City this year compared to 4,300 last year. Is this not an exciting new niche for a country like ours? We could at the same time develop our merchant marine and give work to our shipyards such as MIL Davie, in Lauzon, which are world-renowned in their field.

I am making these constructive suggestions to the House because they were ignored in the budget speech.

Let us now look at duplication. Is it not time that agencies, departments and other government bodies be carefully reviewed to determine if they really offer an essential service? Is it not time for the various government levels to communicate with each other and put an end to duplication? Our party has been bringing tax shelters to the attention of this government for some time now, but they did not have the courage to abolish the real tax shelters of the rich, family trusts, for example. They prefer to postpone such decisions and let a committee study the question. However, the government did not ask a committee to examine the question when it decided to cut the tax credit for those 65 and over. They certainly know how to make decisions when attacking the have-nots! They knew very well how to go about it when they decided to cut UI benefits through bill C-17.

Canadians need reassurance. A country's economy grows out of its resources and Canada's most important resource is its population. Even though we make use of our human resources we are not making the most out of them, mainly because they are insecure. Our population feels insecure in areas like education, unemployment, health services, social housing, violence against women, the uncertainty of our future, legislation and governmental programs; it feels insecure about the leaders of this country. People worry when they see UI benefits shrink from year to year.

What will happen to this program in ten years? Will it be gone? Canadians are concerned when they hear about user fees in the health sector. Will they be able to get medical attention when they need it? Canadians are worried when they see that the budgets allocated to education and health care are being reduced all the time. They are concerned about the future. Will there still be work tomorrow, in spite of the promises made by some federal and provincial Liberal politicians?

Finally, Mr. Speaker, Canadians are worried because of their leaders' lack of concern for current problems. Let me give you two specific examples. Some 30 farmers in my riding incurred substantial losses in the production of potato chips. A request for financial help was made to the previous government. The request was rejected. Yet, some farmers from the Atlantic provinces who suffered similar losses were compensated. The farmers and their MPs made a request to the government in office. After two months, the government acknowledged receipt of their request, but took no concrete action.

Another group of individuals in my riding who are disillusioned with our leaders are those who were affected by the urea-formaldehyde foam insulation scandal. This tragedy occurred under the former Liberal government, of which some prominent members are still here. Let us not forget that the current Minister of Foreign Affairs was one of the key players in this episode.

Once again, I transmitted a request to the government in office asking it to take its responsibilities, instead of delegating them to the judicial process. The government acknowledged receipt of the request but did nothing else.

Throughout the debates in this House, we will have to keep in mind that all regions of Canada and all classes of citizens have to be treated equally. Is it right that, in Canada, 63,000 profitable companies do not pay taxes? Is it right that, in Canada, some millionaires manage to only pay a few hundred dollars in taxes every year? Is it right that, in Canada, powerful families can avoid paying taxes on billions of dollars through family trusts?

Middle-class workers know that the first penny they earn is taxed and that the government takes half of it.

In conclusion, if we want to balance our profits and expenditures, if we want to absorb our deficit, if we want our economy to resume its former role at the international level, if we want our wealth to be redistributed fairly, we have to restore confidence among Canadians. We have to meet their expectations and we have to answer their questions. We have to give back to Canadians the place that should always have been theirs: in other words, we have to realize that they are the number one resource in our economy.

Mil Davie Shipyards March 21st, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I will direct my question to the Prime Minister as the Minister of Finance is clearly unable or unwilling to discuss transportation issues.

Can the Prime Minister tell us who, in Cabinet, is defending the interests of the MIL Davie workers if his Minister responsible for the Federal Office of Regional Development does not want to discuss transportation issues and his Minister of Transport, who is from New Brunswick, is bound to favour the St. John Shipbuilding shipyards?

Mil Davie Shipyards March 21st, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Finance and Minister responsible for Regional Development in Quebec.

About two months ago, I asked the Minister of Transport what the government intended to do about the plan to have MIL Davie shipyards, in Lauzon, build the Magdalen Islands ferryboat.

Will the minister press his colleague the Minister of Transport to award MIL Davie the contract for the construction of the ferry, thus allowing the largest private employer in the Greater Quebec City region to survive?

Saint Lawrence Seaway March 16th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my colleague, the hon. member for Anjou-Rivières-des-Prairies, submitted to the House a motion asking this Chamber to demand that the government take the necessary measures to ensure that the St. Lawrence Seaway remains navigable on a year-round basis, through a more effective allocation of the ice breakers in operation in Eastern Canada.

As the member for Beauport-Montmorency-Orléans, I wish to inform the House that I support this motion and that my Party as well as my constituents of Beauport-Montmorency-Orléans also support it. I will not repeat my colleague's arguments, I will only say that I endorse them, because they are sound, they are based on a reality we have faced year after year and that we have been denouncing since March 1993.

My riding borders on the majestic St. Lawrence river. Our ancestors were navigators and boat builders. Many people still are. That means that anything relating to the Seaway is of great interest to my constituents and they are concerned when problems arise.

My Party made me the official opposition critic for Transport. The St. Lawrence Seaway and the ice breakers allocated to this waterway are essential to the Canadian transportation industry.

On March 10 of this year, the Minister of Transport took the floor to support the budget presented by his colleague, the Minister of Finance, on February 22, and he said: "it is the government's intention to spend $619 million on the Canadian Coast Guard". It is precisely to the Coast Guard that I wish to draw the attention of the House, and not so much to the amount which will be spent on it, but on the way it will be spent.

The commissioner responsible for the Coast Guard mentioned several times that there were only two ways to go if we wanted to make the Coast Guard profitable: it must either become a government agency and receive grants or impose a user fee. The first option could be discussed if the government decides to present it to the House. It is not the status of the Coast Guard which is important, but its mandate and its budget. My party and myself do not wish to modify the Coast Guard's present status and we would very much like to be consulted if ever the government intends to change it.

As for the second solution, that is a user fee, it would be a national suicide. Canada is a northern country where winter is often rough and long. An important part of the country has no access to the Atlantic or the Pacific. Commercial and economic centres are inland and waterways leading to them are ice-bound in winter. The main role of the Coast Guard is to guard waterways that are open to traffic year-round so that ships can pass freely and respect delivery deadlines and shipowners can be competitive.

Year after year we have seen major problems and the number of ships assigned to those routes is quickly dropping. At the beginning of the eighties, 125 ships were assigned to transporta-

tion on the St. Lawrence; now, there are only 79 left. Just think for a minute about what the effect of a user fee would be. It would kill all activity in the ports of Quebec City, Trois-Rivières and Montreal and in those of the Great Lakes, including Thunder Bay.

It was mentioned that this fee could be based on the distance covered in Canadian waters. What do you think the shipowners would do? They would go to Halifax, Boston, New York maybe but certainly not to Quebec City, Montreal and Thunder Bay. The problem is a serious one. We must revive the St. Lawrence and assign to it all the ice-breakers that are required to keep it open. If we are to achieve that, the present government must take three main steps. First, it must distribute the ice-breakers equitably and reassure all employees of the Coast Guard about their future. Second, adopt a maritime policy for Canada; and third, examine the possibility of allowing shipowners to get a second registration.

The allocation will be fair ifas it allows free movement from the Gulf of Saint Lawrence to the Great Lakes. If ice-breakers have to be built, we are able to do it: we have shipyards, human resources and iron. When I have the time to do so, I will explain to my colleagues in this House the present allocation and composition of the Canadian Coast Guard fleet as well as its needs.

Montreal harbour should never again be closed, as happened between February 4 and March 2, 1993, which entailed astronomical losses. The Canadian Coast Guard is reputed to be the best in the world, so whose fault was it?

Canada does not have a real maritime policy like the United States which require that 60 per cent of the ships served by American ports be U.S. registered.

What are the conditions required to sail our waterways? What are the environmental protection requirements? All those answers should be put together in framework legislation; that is what is lacking in Canada.

Several countries, like England and Norway, allow shipowners to get a second registration for their ships. Why would Canada not do the same thing in allowing Canadian shipowners to serve ports other than ours, without having to pay tax? Among the benefits of such a policy, more than 300 unemployed deck officers, representing more than 50 per cent of our trained and qualified officers, could be put back to work. These workers would be able to feed their families and would spend their money in Canada.

In conclusion, it is not the time to think about changing the status of the Coast Guard and the ice-breakers. It is not the time to impose user fees, but rather to provide the ships needed by the Coast Guard to maintain movement all year long in the navigable waters of the St. Lawrence River.

Until Quebec becomes sovereign and takes back what it gave under contract to the federal government at the time of Confederation in 1867, we demand that the present government adopt a consistent transportation policy that will allow Quebecers to see ships from all over the world move freely on the St. Lawrence River 365 days a year and that will ensure the economic development of our cities, which badly need it in these times of recession.