Mr. Chairman, the WTO meetings in Doha illustrate two completely different world views. One believes in protectionism, isolationism and eliminating opportunity in the name of equality. In short, it is the politics of envy.
We witnessed these forces at the WTO talks in Seattle in 2000 and again at the summit of the Americas in Quebec City in April of this year.
During the Seattle negotiations, I remember a news broadcast of one Belgian diplomatic bravely trying to get through the protesters to the meetings inside the convention. He made a passionate plea stating that he supported the right of protesters to make their voices heard but that he too deserved the right to speak. They would not let him pass. Rioters in both cities destroyed property and intimidated conference attendees. These are not voices of democracy and freedom.
Opponents of the WTO talks principally fall into two philosophical camps: Marxism and protectionism.
There was a time when protectionism was a popular economic model. Some have argued that protectionism was at its peak in 1828 when the United States signed the so-called tariff of abominations. Marxism has its roots in the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Marx and Engels wrote the communist manifesto in 1848.
It is worth noting that during those times children worked in coal mines. Those too poor were locked up in so-called work houses and forced to live in horrific conditions. Women routinely sold their bodies on the street to make ends meet.
It is time to leave these outdated concepts where they belong, in the 19th century.
Fortunately there is another world view which recognizes that world peace and stability are furthered by trade between nations and that all peoples from all nations benefit from well constructed, mutually beneficial agreements on trade. Free trade has always assisted Canada.
In the decade since the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement went into force, trade has increased by more than 150%, from $235 billion in 1989 to $626 billion today.
A successful free trade agreement of the Americas will show similar successes 10 years from now with the participation of 34 countries.
The potential for free trade with the WTO dwarfs both these agreements. One hundred and forty-two nations are involved in negotiations in Doha. The risks are greater but so are the rewards.
Let us consider the following. In 2000 the value of exports of goods and services equalled 46% of Canada's GDP. One in three jobs in Canada depends directly on trade. Currently Canada ranks sixth in the world in terms of world merchandise exports, exporting $276 billion every year. We are also sixth in merchandise imports, importing $244 billion. The free flow of goods is vital to our economy.
Nations that trade with one another historically avoid conflict. War is a costly affair and, for purely self-interested reasons, nations will avoid it in favour of strong trade relations.
The history of Europe is a bloody one. In the first half of the 20th century alone, Europe fought two world wars and tens of millions of people were killed. In contrast, since the formation of the European common market, later to become the European Union, no member nations have warred with one another in over 50 years and a lasting peace seems more likely than ever.
It is time to build a better world for the 21st century and in this task free trade will be key. The WTO process is a necessary part of trade liberalization. We spurn it at our peril.
Nothing permanent is likely to be decided in Doha on November 9 to 13. However we cannot overstate the importance of this meeting. It is in Doha that the framework for a more intense round of trade negotiations will be laid down. It is therefore important that Canadians have a strong voice representing their interests at the meeting. Canada must express a strong support for free trade. As I mentioned earlier, free trade is both a stabilizing influence for world peace and a long term boon to our economy.
Canada must press hard for standard competition and investment rules. These were issues which were brought forward at the failed multilateral agreement on investment which still need resolution.
Canadian support for the removal of tariffs and anti-dumping protectionism measures is vital. The United States has historically opposed these measures. As America's closest ally, we can play a key role in convincing America that these remnants of 19th century protectionism are sentiments. However we must recognize that this works both ways and we must be willing to accept that poorer nations will also gain access to our markets.
We must fight hard for fair environmental and employment standards clauses. We must also remember not to be greedy. Free trade must benefit all or it ceases to be free trade. We must raise concerns about environmental and labour standards being on the agenda when negotiations start in earnest. Just as the world's nations profit from global trade, we also benefit from a healthier environment at home and abroad. We also win when all workers around the world are treated with dignity and respect and can reasonably expect to earn an honest wage that will enable them to provide for themselves and their families in the new world economy.
Environmental, labour and health standards are all a working part of NAFTA. Exemptions modelled after NAFTA at the WTO level would serve us all well. It will be argued by some on the political left that free trade is nothing more than a way for the west to exploit the third world's resources. This is false. According to the Tinbergen Institute, the potential benefits of a new round of trade negotiations to the third world are three times what is received each year in overseas aid. Trade helps developing nations develop. It is, after all, how the west itself developed.
We must stress openness and transparency throughout this meeting and all future meetings like it. We cannot allow the secrecy that surrounded the MAI to engulf the WTO meetings. Shared information is our best weapon against the forces of fear.
The more information that is available on free trade the less sense that is made by the arguments from angry free trade activists. The withholding of information serves only to fuel the fire of the radical anti-free trade groups such as Maude Barlow's Council of Canadians. For example, the Council of Canadians claimed that NAFTA had failed us when the government was forced to pay Ethyl Corp. damages for trying to prohibit the importation of the MMT additive to gasoline. It claimed that NAFTA did not protect environmental standards in Canada.
In truth, the only reason MMT was allowed to be imported to Canada is that it had never been banned for domestic use. If the Canadian government had tested MMT and found it to be harmful either to the environment or to Canadians it never would have been permitted. Because of the Liberal government's failure to share the workings of NAFTA with the Canadian people, Canadians felt that their treaty had failed them. In fact, it was our government that failed us.
We cannot allow this lack of transparency to occur in Doha, nor at conferences to follow. Canadians must be kept apprised and parliament consulted throughout the long journey towards an open debate.
Some people might claim that the risks will outweigh the gains in Doha. Some would argue that we are better off as we are. To prove otherwise we need look no further than the softwood lumber crisis which tomorrow night will be the subject of a second emergency debate in a month.
One of the items up for discussion in Doha will be the anti-dumping and domestic subsidy rules. There is an earnest movement afoot in global trade to eliminate anti-dumping tariffs. Anti-dumping is used by some countries to prop up and protect weak industries. Ironically these so-called protections serve to drive up the price of the very domestic goods they are trying to insulate. This hurts consumers at home and unfairly penalizes producers abroad.
The United States has charged four times since 1982 that Canada has been subsidizing its softwood lumber industry. The most recent charge is still ongoing. The previous three times the claim was made Canada was proved innocent. This time we are likely to be vindicated again. However, every time this happens the duties charged while the situation is resolved do irreparable harm to the Canadian forest industry. As a result of the current countervail and anti-dumping duties, it is estimated that 50,000 Canadians will lose their jobs by the end of the year.
What is urgently needed is a global agreement to prevent this type of strong arm tactic. Doha is an opportunity to bring these concerns to the table.
In summary, let me mention my final point. People claim that the WTO only benefits the wealthy, that only big corporations win. My hon. colleagues in the NDP will be sending out this message of doom and gloom, hoping to scare Canadians back to the 19th century. I suggest that they tell that to the thousands of unemployed forest workers in Canada, workers who are out of work chiefly because of protectionist trade policies and who are victims of corporate interests that continue to use outdated domestic legislation to prevent the free flow of goods across our borders. These people do not want handouts; they want their jobs back.
Let us offer a positive change. Let us not be swayed by the politics of fear and envy. We must proceed on trade liberalization. We must do so in an open and transparent manner so that our message cannot be wrongfully subverted. Our efforts must be based on the principles that have made the west great: inclusion, equal opportunity, compassion for the less fortunate and free flow of goods between peoples.
Doha will set the standard for future negotiations. Canada has the opportunity to be a leading light in furthering the cause of international trade. Let us take on the new century.