Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was children.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Liberal MP for Shefford (Québec)

Lost her last election, in 2006, with 23% of the vote.

Statements in the House

International Development Week February 1st, 1999

Mr. Speaker, today, on behalf of the Progressive Conservative caucus, I would like to draw attention to International Development Week.

This week affords us the opportunity to celebrate the exceptional work being done by the thousands of Canadians actively involved in developing countries in helping to bring about peace, reduce poverty and injustice, preserve our shared environment, and forge links of trust and friendship world-wide.

International aid, which plays a decisive role in the social and economic transformation of increasing numbers of developing countries, must remain one of our national priorities for this reason.

By continuing to invest in sustainable development in the developing countries, we shall succeed in meeting the needs of the present without compromising those of the future, thus building a safer and more equitable world.

Child Poverty December 9th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, in spite of the minister's claim, the situation in this country has deteriorated to the point where, last month, it generated concern among officials from the UN committee responsible for looking at Canada's efforts to reduce poverty on its territory.

Will the minister reiterate his intention to improve Canada's performance with regard to child poverty by introducing a comprehensive plan with real objectives and timetables?

Child Poverty December 9th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, almost 10 years after this House unanimously passed a resolution to eliminate child poverty by the year 2000, we learned from the media last week that the number of Canadian children living in poverty has increased again and now totals 1.5 million.

Will the Minister of Finance pledge today, before this House, to make children the top priority in his next budget?

Krever Commission Report November 26th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, one year ago today, the government released the Krever report.

One of the recommendations was that the government compensate all victims of hepatitis C.

However, instead of taking an approach based on compassion and respect for all the victims, who have had an incalculable price to pay emotionally and financially, the Liberal government continues to insist on excluding those infected before 1986.

Meanwhile, victims like Stan Marshall, the young man who was featured in the Toronto Star this morning, are dying one after the other. Stan Marshall died last month after years of fighting, seething rage and frustration fueled by the irresponsible attitude of this government, which neglects to put its moral duty before anything else.

What is the government waiting for to act? For all the victims to have died one by one?

National Child Day November 20th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I rise today, on behalf of the caucus of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, to recognize national child day.

On this very special day, we think about what children need, what they can teach us and how we can ensure they receive all the love and support necessary to grow into healthy and responsible adults.

National child day is a time set aside to listen to children and marvel at all they have to offer. It is also a time to delight in the special meaning they give our lives and the hope they create for the future.

Let us take this opportunity to express our love, respect and support to all those who are this country's greatest asset, our children.

Canadian Human Rights Act November 17th, 1998

moved that Bill S-11, an act to amend the Canadian Human Rights Act in order to add social condition as a prohibited ground of discrimination, be read the second time and referred to a committee.

Mr. Speaker, it is with emotion and hope that I initiate today the second reading debate on Bill S-11, an act to amend the Canadian Human Rights Act in order to add social condition as a prohibited ground of discrimination.

I would like to be able to start my presentation by stating that we have every reason to be proud of living in this country because Canada is internationally recognized as one of the leading proponents of human justice, as a country whose society is said to acknowledge every human being's right to dignity, respect and equal opportunities. Unfortunately, I cannot make such a statement because nothing could be further from the truth.

As governments in this country concentrate their energies on reducing the budget deficit, the equality deficit caused by poverty in the form of discrimination is being overlooked. While being increasingly recognized on the international scene as a human rights issue, poverty remains one of the main barriers to equality in Canadian society.

Indeed, Canadians who, because they are poor, are excluded from the social, economic and cultural life the rest of us enjoy are often treated like second class citizens. The everyday reality of many Canadians, living in poverty generally means lack of food, substandard housing, increased vulnerability to illness and systemic barriers to schooling and employment.

But, to add insult to injury, there is more to this horrific state of affairs.

In addition to having to endure the material hardships that accompany poverty, poor Canadians are always having to face ostracism and negative stereotyping in their dealings with financial institutions, owners, businesses and their staff, officials, the legal system, neighbours and strangers and in the media.

Canadian society is indeed intolerant of the poor. This disparaging treatment is in part fed by the generalized obsession with the debt and the deficit, as I mentioned.

Canadians who depend on social programs in order to live are disparaged and humiliated by taxpayers as a whole. The conclusion is self evident. Disparagement of the poor promotes discrimination against them. In other words, I would say they are faulted in a way for being poor.

Despite this general attitude, I am convinced that many Canadians would be upset to see how financial institutions treat the poor.

Although I recognize the recent efforts by the banks to give disadvantaged clients greater access to basic services and to treat them fairly and courteously, I feel they have a long way to go when I hear that some people are still having trouble cashing their government cheque.

As recently as last month, the media in Quebec were talking about how difficult it is for welfare recipients to obtain services in federally chartered banks as well as in the provincially regulated caisses populaires.

A simple amendment to the Canadian Human Rights Act would prohibit discrimination against the poor and would give these people an effective recourse when they are discriminated against, for example, when they are denied housing or the possibility to open a bank account.

Let us not kid ourselves. There are still people in this country today who are victims of discrimination when they do such simple things as apply for a job, look for an apartment or open a bank account. Add to that the feeling of shame from having to stand in line at the soup kitchen and the feeling of anguish from not knowing if their children will have a roof over their heads and food on the table the next day. Members will certainly agree with me that these people unquestionably need to have their right to respect and to dignity protected under the law.

I am talking about the protection of a right since Bill S-11, which supports both the intent and the purpose of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, does not grant any special privilege to the poor in Canada. Its sole purpose is to ensure explicit recognition of poverty and its related attributes, such as being a welfare recipient, and to prohibit discrimination against the poor in areas under federal jurisdiction.

Need I remind members that the Canadian Human Rights Act does recognize that some people in our society are considered vulnerable and must be protected against discrimination. The prohibited grounds of discrimination include race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, marital status, family status, disability and, since not too long ago, sexual orientation.

Bill S-11 simply proposes to add the words “social condition” to the list of prohibited grounds of discrimination in section 2 and subsection 3(1) of the act. And the reason for that is very simple: one-fifth of the Canadian population does not live the same way you and I do.

I know this concept is hard to grasp for those of us who have never had to face the human misery associated with real poverty. Let me ask you to follow me for a few seconds on an imaginary trip that might help you measure the magnitude of the terrible social and human problem that poverty is.

Imagine yourself coming home to announce to your family that you just lost your job, a job in which you poured all your talent and energy, sometimes at the expense of your loved ones, because there was just not enough time.

Now, you have all the time in the world, but what are you going to do with it? You just did not think this could ever happen to you. In the weeks that followed the initial shock you started looking for work, knocking on every door and meeting every employer who might need your services.

Unfortunately, the labour market is saturated. While being apologetic and polite, employers constantly explain to you that they have to face the new economic realities. They simply do not need you.

Weeks have gone by. You have used up your savings and your retirement fund. You must now sell the car, and you will soon have to do the same with the house, because you can no longer pay the mortgage.

You managed to save face in front of your friends and your neighbours during the first few weeks of this nightmare. But now they are aware of the situation. There is no way you can hide the sad reality of your human and social decline. You are a poor and undesirable human being that one may nod to but would rather cross the street not to have to acknowledge.

For some time now, no one has come to shake hands with you and ask you how you have been. No one wants to hear bad news. It is too depressing. You may think you have reached bottom, but you are wrong. You have seen nothing yet, because now you have to find ways to survive.

So you go to your bank manager, with whom you have always enjoyed a friendly relationship, and now it is his turn to tell you, in a very official tone, that he cannot lend you money. “I am sorry, but I have to abide by the rules of the institution. My hands are tied, you have to believe me”, is what he tells you, secretly hoping this is the last time he has to deal with you.

What is next? To whom do you turn to? To a food bank? No. To the state, of course, to this welfare state that cares so much about the have-nots in our society. You will have to forget about your pride and your dignity, that is if you have any left. But you have no choice. You have to feed your hungry children, who are giving you a reproachful look, blaming you for the social stigma that will no doubt mark them for the rest of their lives.

Poverty is a debilitating scourge which strikes at random. Let us stop thinking we can be spared such a plague and let us work together towards its elimination.

“The day will come when nations will be judged not by their military or economic strength, nor by the splendour of their capital cities and public buildings, but by the well-being of their peoples: by their levels of health, nutrition and education; by their opportunities to earn a fair reward for their labours; by their ability to participate in the decisions that affect their lives; by the respect that is shown for their civil and political liberties; by the provision that is made for those who are vulnerable and disadvantaged; and by the protection that is afforded to the growing minds and bodies of their children.” This quote from the United Nations report entitled “The Progress of Nations” sums up perfectly the spirit in which I am undertaking this initiative in the House today in order to give some dignity back to the poorest citizens of this country.

The Prime Minister himself said: “Canada may not be a super-power, but we are a nation who speaks on the international scene with great moral authority”. Are we really entitled to waiving our moral authority in the face of other economic world powers? I wonder. We are indeed perceived as such, but what are the facts? I willingly acknowledge that for the fifth year in a row, the United Nations world report on human development has rated Canada as having the best quality of life compared to 174 other countries.

However, in spite of this highly desirable ranking with regard to human development, according to the same report, out of 17 industrialized countries, Canada has the 10th highest level of poverty. Indeed, according to the UN human poverty indicator, 11.7% of Canadians live under the poverty line, a most embarrassing situation for a country that is so proud of its moral values.

I say that citizens of this country have a right to expect their government to take without delay the steps required to reinforce and clarify the current legislation on human rights.

The Canadian Human Rights Act, which is the keystone of our legislation in this regard, is essentially aimed at protecting citizens against discrimination and guarantees equal opportunities in federal jurisdictions such as telecommunications and banks. It also embodies the international human rights commitments Canada has made since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was signed in 1948. With the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and provincial legislation on human rights, this Canadian law promoted the fundamental values of equality and human dignity.

Unfortunately, this act is not currently clear or consistent. Although it is aimed at promoting equity for all Canadians, it perpetuates the discrimination it seeks to eliminate by protecting only certain vulnerable groups.

The fact that the Canadian Human Rights Act does not include social condition among prohibited grounds of discrimination is an indication of the social and economic alienation of the poor and of their lack of influence in the Canadian political system.

Until this oversight in the legislation is corrected, the poor will continue to be the victims of discrimination and prejudice. The specific purpose of Bill S-11 is to rectify the situation by building a society where everybody are equal.

That is why this bill is so important to me. The almost ideal society where everyone is entitled to the same respect and the same human dignity is now within our grasp. The poor may be the only marginalized group that has not yet been included in the Canadian Human Rights Act. It is up to us, as members of this House, to correct this deplorable flaw in the legislation.

From a practical point of view, this will tell employers and service providers under federal jurisdiction that they cannot discriminate against a person because he or she is, for example, a welfare recipient. I want to emphasize that adding social condition as a prohibited ground of discrimination would not force businesses to provide services if they have good reason to believe that the client is unable to pay or that he or she clearly represents a financial risk.

Indeed, paragraph 15(g) of the act states clearly that there is no discrimination when an individual is denied services or is a victim of any adverse differentiation and there is bona fide justification for that denial of differentiation.

Having said that, I want to mention that national antipoverty organizations that are unsatisfied with the lack of legislation on human rights have started to use the judiciary system to bring about some change. They essentially claim that marginalized groups that are not listed in the charter of rights, but who are the victims of such discrimination, must be considered on the same footing as the groups that are listed and be treated as such under the law. They only have to prove to the court that these groups are the victims of such discrimination.

For example, this was the direction taken by homosexuals rights' advocates when they got tired of waiting for politicians to act. Noting their success, other groups in search of equality are already starting to follow suit.

By amending the Canadian Human Rights Act to include social condition among prohibited grounds of discrimination, parliament will then fulfil its responsibility to abide by the Canadian charter of rights, while saving taxpayers the costs associated with court challenges in order to bring the Canadian Human Rights Act in line with the Constitution of Canada and international commitments made by Canada on human rights.

On both a symbolic and practical level, it would be important, on the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human rights, for Canada to reaffirm the commitments it made when ratifying international covenants, including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

I remind the House that Canada ratified this international covenant in 1976. By signing this covenant, the federal government recognized the right of all Canadians and of their families to enjoy an adequate standard of living, including food on the table, good clothing, appropriate housing and living conditions that keep improving. The agreement also provides for periodical reviews of Canada's compliance with the covenant.

This committee is currently carrying out its third periodical review. I am afraid that, once again, as a government, we will get bad reviews. Need I remind the House that, while the standard of living has improved for some Canadians in certain areas, Canada has yet to guarantee access to the bare necessities for its most vulnerable citizens.

Food banks, which were nowhere to be found in the 1970s, now number in the thousands and can be found in 450 communities. The problem of affordable and adequate housing has now become a full-blown crisis: almost 400,000 Canadians live in substandard housing.

These are some of the issues that convinced the National Anti-Poverty Organization and the Charter Committee on Poverty Issues to travel to Geneva, in May of 1993, to appear during the examination of Canada's second report on the implementation of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The brief submitted to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, as well as the testimony of these two national anti-poverty organizations, emphasized the inequities in what they ironically call “the land of plenty”. Not surprisingly, committee members were quite stunned by the information they were provided with, since they thought all Canadians enjoyed an exemplary standard of living. They were also shocked to find out about the high levels of poverty among children and single mothers, the large number of food banks, and the state of disrepair of a large proportion of low-cost housing units.

On June 10, 1993, the Committee on Economic, Social and Economic Rights tabled its conclusions, in which it expressed a number of concerns about poverty in Canada. The committee was alarmed at the persistence of poverty in the country, and at the fact that no significant progress had apparently been made in the previous decade. It expressed its particular concern that more than half of all single mothers and a large number of children live in poverty.

The committee recommended among other measures that the legislation on human rights include more explicit provisions on social, economic and cultural rights. By passing Bill S-11, we would confirm Canada's will to take these criticisms into consideration.

I also like to think that, by expanding the scope of the Canadian Human Rights Act, we are doing more than merely defending an ideal. The protection of these rights could well be one of our most powerful tools in the fight against poverty, since it promotes human dignity, justice and equal opportunities.

Since the Canadian Human Rights Act is a powerful education tool, establishing standards would help create social behaviours. A dialogue would then follow, so that institutions and the public in general might better understand what it means to live in poverty.

In another vein, I want to say that the fact that most circumstances leading to discrimination based on social condition come under provincial jurisdiction does not justify the absence of this prohibited ground from the federal act. People in this country have the right to seek remedy and redress when federally regulated institutions such as banks, airlines and telecommunications companies practice discrimination based on social condition.

Bill S-11 does not infringe on the provinces' legislative powers since the Canadian Human Rights Act only applies to areas under federal jurisdiction. This being said, it should be noted that the provinces are ahead of us and have acted in their respective areas of jurisdiction.

As a matter of fact, in eight provinces, the human rights act prohibits discrimination based on social condition, social background, source of income or being on welfare. The steps they took are aimed at protecting the poor against discriminatory practices in areas under their jurisdiction such as housing and public services. The prohibited ground of discrimination applies to every activity legislated by the provinces except in Ontario where it only applies to housing.

I am pleased to add that my home province is a leader in this area since for the past 13 years the Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms has prohibited discrimination based on social condition in every area covered by the charter.

May I conclude by repeating once more that poverty is a serious threat to the right to equality, and that it has no place in an affluent country like Canada.

I urge you to consider poverty in the light of human rights. I suggest that the prejudice the poor have to face in Canada is similar to that of the marginalized groups listed in the Canadian Human Rights Act. Yet, poverty is still not recognized in the law as a direct and dominant cause of inequality and disadvantage in Canadian society.

I urge all my colleagues in the House to correct this regrettable legislative weakness. Let us stop saying it is time to act, and let us do something right now by passing Bill S-11.

Anselme Lapointe October 30th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, today I wish to pay special tribute to a brilliant designer, Anselme Lapointe.

At the recent culture days in Valcourt in my riding, I joined the local committee and an impressive number of representatives from political, academic and professional circles, as well as Mr. Lapointe's family, in paying warm tribute to this talented individual for the quality of his work and for his humanitarian and social commitment to his region and to his province.

After graduating from the École des beaux-arts du Québec, Mr. Lapointe joined Bombardier in the early 1960s. Joseph-Armand Bombardier invented the snowmobile, but it was Mr. Lapointe's designs that changed winters forever for the millions of enthusiastic users of this sports and utility vehicle.

His vision, his courage, and his perseverance are an example to us all. Through his work, he has helped gain recognition for the importance of design and the related notions of economic and social cost-effectiveness for industry and for all Canadians.

In conclusion—

Foreign Publishers Advertising Services Act October 29th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his comments. I note that, like us, he is concerned about certain aspects of the bill.

We would like to see it passed at second reading and referred to committee for further consideration.

Foreign Publishers Advertising Services Act October 29th, 1998

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to take part in the debate on Bill C-55, an act respecting advertising services supplied by foreign periodical publishers.

In giving an historic overview of the issue before us today, we should point out that, since 1965, the Canadian magazine industry has always enjoyed the support of the federal government.

Indeed, the Royal Commission on Publications, set up in 1961 under the Right Hon. John Diefenbaker, recommended that measures be taken to protect the Canadian magazine industry against dumping. To that end, measures prohibiting the import of split run magazines were finally implemented in 1965.

Measures were also taken to provide reduced postal rates for Canadian magazines, thus helping them lower their shipping costs.

I should point out that the Progressive Conservative government promoted strong growth for the Canadian owned magazine industry. Indeed, during the negotiations on the Free Trade Agreement, we made sure that an exemption provision would be included for the cultural industry as a whole. A similar provision was also included in the North American Free Trade Agreement.

However, in 1993, the magazine Sports Illustrated managed to circumvent the ban on imports by electronically transmitting a split run edition to a Canadian printer. The Progressive Conservative government took speedy action, forming a task force to bring policy into line with the electronic era.

In response to the recommendations contained in the task force's interim report, the Hon. Jean Charest, then the minister responsible for Investment Canada, issued ministerial directives under the Investment Canada Act that eliminated the loophole by which Time Warner had introduced a split run of Sports Illustrated into Canada.

The final report of the task force led, in 1995, to Bill C-3, the purpose of which was to strengthen the position of the Canadian periodical industry by means of measures to discourage split run editions of periodicals, particularly American ones, in Canada.

These measures included an excise tax of 80% on the total value of advertising space in split run editions, and a customs tariff making it illegal to import split run periodicals.

Unfortunately, in October 1997, the World Trade Organization ruled that levying customs and excise taxes on split run periodicals went against international free trade agreements. Canada was given until the end of October 1998 to bring its policy into line with the provisions of the General Agreement on Trade in Services, failing which the United States would take retaliatory measures.

Publishers of Canadian periodicals maintain that American publishers, who cover their costs in the United States, can offer lower advertising rates to Canadian business. Canadian periodicals depend heavily on advertising revenue, which is estimated at $350 million.

The government has therefore introduced this bill as a response to this request, taking care to protect Canadians' ability to express themselves through Canadian cultural vehicles, such as those offered by this country's periodical industry.

Incidentally, the World Trade Organization's decision did not challenge the ability of member countries to take action to protect their cultural identify.

The proposed measures provide among other things that only Canadian periodical publishers will be able to sell advertising services aimed primarily at the Canadian market and that stiff fines as high as $250,000 will be imposed on foreign publishers who contravene this legislation.

The bill before us also specifies that both the customs tariff preventing split runs magazines from entering the country and the excise tax on the distribution of such magazines in Canada are removed. From now on, foreign publishers will have access to the postal subsidy program, and commercial postage rates for Canadian and foreign publications will be harmonized accordingly.

This concludes the historical overview. Now I would like to remind the hon. members that the party I have the honour to represent in this House has always been committed to ensuring future of the Canadian publishing industry, which is closely tied to advertizing income. It is indeed essential that this industry be promoted and protected.

That having been said, the government must give Canadian publishers the assurance that the new measures will not result in another trade crisis. Canada cannot afford another fiasco like the one caused recently by the flip-flop over MMT.

Bill C-55 is a very important piece of legislation. Aside from providing much needed support to our Canadian magazine publishers, it shows publicly that we are intent on protecting and maintaining our cultural sovereignty in the midst of ever-increasing pressures from global forces.

Protecting our cultural integrity in Canada has always been a major priority of any trade discussion Canada participated in. Just think that plans for the multilateral investment agreement are being wrecked in part by the fact that both Canada and France refuse to put cultural industries on the table.

The previous Progressive Conservative government was deeply committed to the protection of cultural industries. In negotiating the Free Trade Agreement, we ensured all cultural industries were excluded from the operation of the FTA, an exclusion that was carried over into NAFTA.

It is very important to note that the WTO in its decision was not questioning Canada's right to protect its cultural industries; it objected to a policy that directly targeted U.S. magazines. So, rather than specifically target U.S. magazines, Bill C-55 seeks to put restraints on advertising services.

Essentially, Bill C-55 will restrict the sale of advertising directed at the Canadian market to Canadian publications. It should be noted that U.S. magazines will still be able to sell advertising aimed at the Canadian market. However, these advertisements will have to appear in all North American publications. They cannot appear solely in magazines aimed at the Canadian market.

Some people may wonder why we should impose measures to protect our Canadian magazine industry. There are very important reasons for us to do that. The Canadian magazine industry employs thousands of Canadians and pumps millions of dollars into our economy. Many distinguished Canadian writers publish in our magazines insightful and interesting articles on people, places and things that reflect our unique culture.

The Canadian market is one of the most open markets in the world for imported magazines. According to the Canadian Magazine Publishers Association, imports account for 50% of magazine sales in Canada and over 80% of newsstand space. Despite this intense competition from foreign magazines, Canadian magazines continue to attract their share of readers, allowing them to hold their own in a very competitive industry.

The Canadian magazine industry plays an important cultural role in helping to define who we are as a people and where we stand as a nation. Culture defines our beliefs and our values. We are not automatically born with a culture. We may be born into a culture, but it is something we learn. We need Canada's magazine industry, so that future generations have the opportunity to learn and appreciate this culture that distinguishes us and that is the envy of the rest of the world.

As I mentioned earlier, for some thirty years now, government after government in Canada has passed laws designed to help Canadian publishers earn enough in advertising revenues to remain competitive on the Canadian market.

When Sports Illustrated managed to circumvent import restrictions by electronically sending its publication to a printer in Canada, it basically opened the door to unfair business practices by American publishers, who began to produce their magazines with split runs and to reap the benefits of bundling the editorial content of their American editions with Canadian advertising, which they could sell at a much better price than their Canadian competitors.

Canadian publishers count on advertising to generate 65% of their revenues. It is therefore urgent to act to protect them against the possibility of unfair business practices by their American competitors.

Advertising has not just recently become a powerful influence on the course of our society. Before printing was invented, criers were hired to announce upcoming events. I know of a member of government who would have made an excellent one had he been born a few centuries ago.

Prior to the advent of radio and television, magazines drew most of their revenues from advertising. Since then, they struggle to create their own niche and ensure their survival. Advertising has changed more in the past 10 years than in the past 60 years because of new technologies and market developments.

Advertising revenues amount to over $350 million annually. Canadian publishers depend on these revenues to survive. A stop must be put to any threat of unfair and grasping practices. Canadian publishers need our support in order to remain competitive in the new world economy.

This bill is far from perfect. Even after a full year to consult with international trade experts, countless legal advisers and representatives from Canada's publishing industry, a number of issues still need to be clarified.

First, as I mentioned earlier, the postal rate changes could have adverse effects on small community based publications. Legion branches, which previously enjoyed postal rate subsidies, could be in danger of losing this assistance.

The same could be said for church organizations that provide their congregations with regular updates of church activities. Because these organizations are not charging their members for their materials, they are no longer entitled to preferential postal rates as are other Canadian magazine publishers. This issue must be addressed by the minister either through amendments or regulations.

The last section of the bill, which relates to the grandfathering clause, must be more clearly defined. As it stands, the bill appears to restrict important contributors to our Canadian magazine industry, such as Reader's Digest and Time Warner, from expanding their present interests, including future investment possibilities. While I realize that was not the intent of the bill, the wording could lead to such an interpretation.

I am afraid the bill might not survive another WTO challenge. I also wonder about a possible challenge under the Canadian charter of rights by the advertising industry.

Even though I was told by Heritage Canada officials that all possible avenues had been properly explored, I simply cannot forget the government's incompetence in the MMT issue, the gasoline additive, which is now costing Canadian taxpayers $13 million U.S. Canadian taxpayers cannot afford another costly mistake by the government.

In conclusion, even though Bill C-55 is far from perfect, we should support it at second reading, so that it can be immediately referred to a committee for further review.

Child Poverty October 21st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Finance.

Today, the Canadian public education movement known as Campaign 2000 met with the national caucuses of all parties in this House, in order to raise awareness of the alarming rise in child poverty in Canada.

What measures does the minister plan to take in order to reverse this extremely alarming trend with its disastrous effects on the most vulnerable members of our society?