Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was federal.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Bloc MP for Québec East (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2000, with 37% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Budget Implementation Act May 26th, 1994

Madam Speaker, Bill C-17 is an omnibus bill dealing with a wide range of subjects, from unemployment insurance to Western grain transportation and Atlantic region freight assistance, including a line of credit for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.

In fact, Bill C-17 affects directly or indirectly 16 acts of Parliament, that is 11 directly and another 5 indirectly. This goes to show the lack of transparency of the federal government, in spite of its campaign promises to that effect.

Bill C-17 typifies the lack of will to be open on the part of the federal government, by bunching various acts together and asking the House to vote on them as a whole. There are many good things in Bill C-17 and some bad ones. I am totally opposed of course, to the planned unemployment insurance reductions in view of how severe the unemployment situation is in Canada.

As for the $25 million line of credit extended to the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, I would like to focus on this aspect of Bill C-17 for the next 10 minutes. We cannot object to the CBC having a $25 million line of credit. Many reasons can be provided in support of the CBC. The hon. member for Burin-St. George's mentioned earlier "the intention is to put the financial house in order".

There are several other reasons, including perhaps acquisition of new equipment or restructuring. The problem is not so much the line of credit as the matter of control. How will we know how this $25 million will be spent and on what? And how will it be repaid? That the problem. If this government was concerned about transparency, it would make sure this $25 million loan will be subjected to the scrutiny of this place, like all CBC expenditures. Even a blind person could see that there is mismanagement at the CBC.

Here a few examples of mismanagement at the CBC that basically reflect the essence of this government. There is financial mismanagement in government in general. It is particularly obvious at the CBC. And we parliamentarians cannot examine the particulars of CBC expenditures. It would seem that the corporation has no business plan, but if it ever did, it was shelved a long time ago. Recently however, this mismanagement has being causing serious problems. While this government is taking money out of the pockets of the unemployed and away from seniors in their tax credits, it seems ready to tolerate blatant squandering on the part of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.

I would even dare to ask questions on the fact that the CBC increasingly seems to favour the English-language network at the expense of its French-language counterpart. On the subject of mismanagement, that is quite obvious. Did you know that since 1984, 10 years ago, about 2,000 jobs have been cut at the CBC? Rather drastic cuts were made, for instance, in regional production. In 1990-91, regional production was cut by $46 million.

The Minister of Canadian Heritage even announced very recently that another $100 million would be cut over five years. While experiencing major cuts, layoffs, job losses and service cuts in the regions, the CBC has increased its share of the advertising market.

Between 1979 and 1992, the CBC increased its share of the advertising market from 15 per cent to 25 per cent, nearly doubling its market share in 10 or 15 years. Its revenues have therefore doubled or increased considerably.

Despite drastic cuts in the staff budget and a growing share of the advertising market, CBC's deficit continues to climb. From 1992 through 1995, CBC's deficit was absorbed by the employee pension fund surplus. This deficit is expected to reach $41 million in 1995-96 and CBC itself predicts that it will increase to $78 million by 1998-99. My God, what is wrong at the CBC?

We have serious questions on the operation and management of the CBC. It is obviously poorly managed, there is no control. It is a little like the federal government: a kind of ship sinking in the middle of the ocean.

All we ask for on this side of the House is not necessarily to object to CBC's line of credit because CBC is, of course, an important network with top-notch reporters and expertise we want to keep. We do not necessarily object to this line of credit, but we would still like to have the power, as parliamentarians, to see where this money goes and why the deficit keeps growing despite the cuts and CBC's bigger share of the advertising market.

It is a basic request, and if the federal government really cared about transparency, it would grant it to us. But it will not do so, of course, because its majority will enable it to pass this bill regardless of the good reasons to improve it.

The cuts are serious. For example, I just told you that in 1991-92, CBC's budget was cut by $108 million. Did you know that it cost $129 million to cut this $108 million? The reorganization, that is, all the services put in place to implement the cuts, costs $29 million more than the cuts themselves.

The fact that CBC's production costs rose by $177 million from 1988 to 1993 leads me to believe that this mismanagement on the part of the CBC- In fact, if I had more time, I could have shown you that money has been transferred to the English-language network at the expense of the French-language network.

In any case, in conclusion, we on this side would certainly like to have the right, as parliamentarians, to review the use of this $25 million line of credit to the CBC.

Petitions May 26th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I have the honour to present a petition signed by more than 2,000 residents of my riding of Québec-Est and the surrounding area. The petitioners want to bring to the attention of the Parliament the plight of senior citizens in Quebec, denounce the measures recently adopted by the government, namely age credit cuts and the setting up of inhumane devices such as voice mail boxes.

Therefore, the petitioners pray that Parliament will refrain from taking any measures that would reduce their income and make it harder for senior citizens to have access to services designed for them. I wholeheartedly support this petition and I call upon the government to accede to it.

Petitions May 11th, 1994

Madam Speaker, today I have the honour to present a petition signed by nearly 200 residents of my riding, Québec-Est, and region.

The petitioners want to draw the attention of Parliament to the situation of seniors in Quebec. Fifty-three per cent of men and 82 per cent of women who reach the age of 65 need government help to make ends meet. Forty per cent of seniors 65 and over are entitled to the guaranteed income supplement, a benefit which keeps them at the poverty line, and only 5 per cent of those 65 and over have an annual income above $50,000.

The petitioners therefore ask Parliament not to take any action that would reduce any benefit, pension, social program, assistance or acquired right which seniors enjoy or that would impose any tax or other measure which would reduce their income. I support this petition without reservation and I urge the government to act on it.

Agriculture May 10th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I also was extremely impressed by the speech of the leader of the Reform Party.

I sat on the subcommittee on transport and agriculture and was amazed at the problems of grain transportation in the west. In fact the problems are critical for grain for the western economy.

I was curious to ask the Reform Party leader what suggestions he might have in regard to improving the system.

Agriculture May 10th, 1994

Madam Speaker, it is actually a comment. In general, I am completely in agreement with the member for Gatineau-La Lièvre. There is little disagreement. The member for Gatineau-La Lièvre is a highly respected member of the Committee on Agriculture and Agri-Food.

I simply wish to say that, yes indeed, concerning the milk quota, Quebec was given very generous treatment, but that may be the only sector in the federal system in which Quebec was so favoured. For example, unfortunately, in 1991, the sales of Grand Pré milk to Puerto Rico were lost. The member told us that he still hopes to win back this market for Grand Pré milk, I hope so too. Now that we have a new Minister of Agriculture, perhaps he might be persuaded to assist this industry, which accounted for 40 per cent of the Puerto Rican market.

In conclusion, article XI was concerned with free trade, but there is a difference between an open market and free trade. But, to start with, since we are speaking of Article XI, six years may not be long enough in the sectors that have quotas for such a fundamental structural change.

Agriculture May 10th, 1994

Madam Speaker, I thank the hon. member for Vaudreuil. There is no doubt that with regard to research, Quebec is not unfavourably treated at Agriculture Canada, but that may well be the only one where it is not at a disadvantage. This business of federal spending inequity between Quebec and Western Canada is old news.

For the hon. member for Vaudreuil's information, inequities have existed for decades, in the sense that the federal government has been giving Quebec much less than its fair share by comparison with Western provinces. In Quebec, organizers, the Ministry of Immigration and farm organizations have met on several occasions in 1988, and in 1991, to denounce this ongoing inequity.

I want to tell the hon. member for Vaudreuil this inequity turned out to be for the best. The fact the federal government was not as involved as expected and not contributing as much as it should drew Quebec farmers closer together. That is why in Quebec, farm organizations are so well organized, motivated and aggressive; they never had the chance to grow as dependent on the federal government as some other provinces.

That is why these organizations can courageously and confidently seek harvest markets abroad. It is also why Quebec farmers are waiting with anticipation for sovereignty, because then, they will benefit from investments made in their regions to strengthen infrastructures that will help them. There is no doubt farmers are among those who stand to gain the most from sovereignty.

A second comment regarding GATT. The hon. member for Vaudreuil praised this agreement, like all government members do. He said farmers would benefit from tariffs that would help support the supply management system for a good while. But the transition period is one of the terms and conditions so poorly negotiated by the government. Six years is a rather short transition period. To compensate for article XI, the government could have obtained at least ten years to give time to the agricultural industry to adjust.

Farming is not like toy manufacturing; it is an extremely complex industry that requires a very long time to adjust to new conditions. We must admit that the Canadian government has shown weakness in the GATT negotiations by accepting a

transition period of only six years. This is one aspect among many in which the federal government was not fair to Quebec farmers.

Agriculture May 10th, 1994

Madam Speaker, it is a great honour for me to speak on agriculture.

I extend my best wishes to the Minister of Agriculture on his return from his Asian trip. He has returned determined to act in the agricultural sector. I know that this is a very difficult field in which to work, and I also know that the Minister is beyond reproach, a person of high calibre in the world of agriculture.

This motion that the government is proposing to us today, dealing with agriculture and agri-food in Canada, must be read carefully. It must be read very carefully because it is made up of mere generalizations about Canada's farm economy, good intentions, statements of fine and good intentions that, for the most part, hide the tough reality that this country's farmers are facing.

It is fine with me if the government is bursting with fine and good intentions about agriculture and if, through its Minister, it makes promising statements about agricultural development; but can the spinelessness, the inertia, the near-paralysis that this government has shown in several fields since being elected barely six months ago be hidden? Can the iniquity that the federal government has shown toward Quebec for many long years be hidden?

In the motion we are debating today, for example, we read, and I quote:

That this House take note of the proactive work that the government is doing- to enhance the agriculture and agri-food sector of Canada's economy-

But I ask you, Madam Speaker, what proactive work has this government done lately? Is it the signing of the GATT, which from several standpoints has been a deep disappointment for Canada's supply-managed sectors, and which has produced for us, among other things, a worrisome situation in the poultry sector? Is it the studies and reports, however manifold, by the kindly officials at Agriculture Canada? Is it the objective of increasing Canadian exports by 50 per cent in order to reach $20 billion by the year 2000?

Madam Speaker, I am quite prepared to be optimistic, like Canada's Minister of Agriculture, and it is quite all right with me if his fine intentions bear fruit, but all his fine words hide another reality: we must not ignore the fact that agriculture, in both the western and eastern parts of this country, is experiencing many significant, serious structural difficulties.

For example, the Minister has just trumpeted the fact that he spent three weeks in Asia to stimulate Canadian farm exports. In fact, the Minister signed one single contract with Korea: one small contract for 50,000 tonnes of feed grains, with a country that has been an established export market for Canada for several years. The Minister hastened to tell us that he has developed, in addition to this small firm contract, several new export possibilities; I stress that they are new export possibilities only, with no firm contracts.

Elsewhere, when we read the media dispatches recounting the ups and downs of his trip, what strikes us most clearly are the criticisms by the Japanese and Chinese of Canada's grain transportation system. That is no small thing, coming from the Japanese and the Chinese, and at a time when we in Canada want to expand our Asian markets. These longstanding customers had so many doubts about our western Canadian grain transportation system that the Chinese, in particular, did not sign a new wheat contract, and the Japanese decided to look elsewhere, to the Australians, for their canola supply; until now, Canada had a near-monopoly in canola exports to Japan.

All this happened because, in 1994, Canada has a grain transportation system that is no more effective than it was in 1908. Is this a reasonable objective, then: is it reasonable to increase Canadian farm exports by 50 per cent in order to reach $20 billion by the year 2000 while, right now, we are incapable of meeting existing contracts because there is a crisis in transportation on the Prairies, costing the entire Canadian economy a great deal of money? This year alone, $35 million will be spent in demurrage costs of ships waiting to load in the port of Vancouver.

Canada has already lost sales of approximately 200 million tonnes of wheat because of this ineffective and poorly-run transportation system. Listen, getting to and from the port of Vancouver by train is, on average, no faster today than it was 80 years ago. That does not mean that it is not in Canada's interest to increase its exports to Asia. That is even desirable, but if we use plain common sense, should we not first ensure that we have an adequate transportation system enabling us to meet our

existing contracts with foreign countries before compromising ourselves in contracts we will be unable to meet?

That is as if a business person were trying to double his or her customers while not being able to meet the demand from present customers. That thinking shows a certain lack of logic. We can also wonder what Agriculture Canada, the federal government, and the Department of Transport are doing about grain transportation, because this system has been ineffective for more than a decade. It has not been ineffective for only a few months, as the Minister said.

In the 1970s I was an assistant to one of the greatest ministers in Canada's history, Mr. Eugene Whelan, and the grain transportation problem existed then too.

There have been at least three separate federal statutes, two government agencies, two departments, and several other interested parties governing grain transportation: such an administrative mishmash that one wonders whether any planning has taken place.

At least, it is obvious that no one can take responsibility for the present crisis. Mr. Warren Joly of the Western Canadian Wheat Growers' Association said, and I quote:

The Western Canadian Wheat Growers Association said: "We are in this mess because of a disastrous policy and now we are trying to address it with an inefficient, knee-jerk system".

The minister has received a dozen suggestions for improving the system, a very inefficient system. I would even be tempted to ask him to set up a commission of inquiry to find long-term solutions to setting up a transportation system in the West that would meet the needs of Canadians.

And to think that in spite of the crisis the port in Thunder Bay and the St. Lawrence are not used at full capacity. Over the past ten years their use has decreased by nearly 50 per cent. In fact, the seaway is steadily losing quantities of grain to the detriment of eastern ports. Since 1984, the amount of grain transshipped has dropped from 12 million to 6 million tonnes. However, a Great Laker can carry an amount equivalent to 250 railway cars, and the turnaround time in Thunder Bay is four days shorter than it is in Vancouver.

According to Mr. Glen Stewart, president of the St. Lawrence Seaway Authority, the Western Grain Transportation Act encourages pouring grain into the Pacific ports, and this is detrimental to the St. Lawrence. The situation is understandable up to a point, because we do have more clients now in the Orient than we do in Europe. But this does not explain how grains going to Africa and Europe first go to Vancouver and are then sent through the Panama Canal. Even though there is a crisis in the western grain transportation system, only 35 per cent of the grain goes through Thunder Bay and the St. Lawrence.

Are we to conclude that Agriculture Canada is unable to develop a good western transportation system, or must we conclude that Agriculture Canada is promoting western agriculture to the detriment of the east? Canadian products are of high quality and world renowned, but it is obvious that Agriculture Canada, a part of this federal government, is doing a less than satisfactory job.

As a department, Agriculture Canada has a long history. Initially, its primary responsibility was to ensure western development and, to some extent, Agriculture Canada's attention has remained focussed on the interests of western Canada. Frequently, this duty to promote western development was carry out in a manner that was extremely prejudicial to the interests of Quebec.

We just have to look at the estimates for Agriculture Canada over the past 10 or 15 years. In 1980, for example, Quebec received $300 million from the federal government, and the west, that is, the prairie provinces, received $1 billion-55 per cent of Agriculture Canada's budget. In 1987, Quebec received $410 million, while the West received $4 billion-76 per cent of the total budget. Last year, Quebec received $372 million, while the West received $1.5 billion-more than 50 per cent of Agriculture Canada's budget.

The federal government's unfair treatment of Quebec is demonstrated in a variety of ways.

In the 1980s, for instance, federal spending went up eight times faster in the West than it did in Quebec. In 1987, Quebec contributed more than $1 billion in taxes for the development of western agriculture. Quebec spent twice as much money on western agriculture as it did on its own agriculture, through the Quebec government.

Grosso modo, from 1980 to 1992, the amount of aid to the West increased from 42 per cent of the federal budget to nearly 64 per cent, and the amount of aid to Quebec went from 30 per cent down to only 10 per cent; this means that the 25 per cent of Canadians who live in Quebec pay into a system that gives back only 10 per cent. This is not very profitable for farmers in Quebec.

Speaking of grain transportation, why is it subsidized all the way to the Pacific going west, but only as far as Thunder Bay going east? And still speaking of transportation, why are so many railway lines being shut down in Quebec, on the pretext that they are not cost-efficient, while nearly 25,000 km of lines are maintained in the West, even if they are not cost-efficient, on the pretext that they are essential for the Canadian economy?

Agricultural diversification is yet another situation where we find Quebec has been unfairly treated. While the federal government has been investing for many years in western diversification, Quebec has received nothing. Over the past ten years, the area used for potato crops in the West has increased 30 per cent, while in Quebec, it has increased only 2 per cent. And I could add a number of other examples.

In 1988, a report produced by the Coopérative fédérée du Québec, the Union des producteurs agricoles, and the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, summed up perfectly the effects of the federal government's discriminatory policies toward Quebec by saying, and I quote: "The inequitable policy affects the level of competitiveness of Quebec farmers in comparison with their counterparts in the West, particularly in terms of grain and livestock production. Canada's agricultural policy contributes to the displacement of livestock production from the east to the west of the country".

A further illustration of Agriculture Canada's feeble defence of Quebec's interests is the case of Grand Pré milk, produced by the Groupe Lactel. Grand Pré milk has been sold in Puerto Rico for 15 years, accounting for 40 per cent of the Puerto Rican market. In 1991, the Americans changed the health standards. Grand Pré milk lost this lucrative market.

A change in health standards was tantamount to the Americans' imposing a non-tariff barrier on us. In spite of this, the federal government did not respond. They could have taken certain measures, but they decided to do nothing, and their inaction led to the consequences I mentioned.

Why did the federal government not take action to protect a sector that was lucrative for Quebec, whereas in other sectors-there are many examples-the federal government took immediate action, such as the recent case, for example, of American beer in Ontario. In this case, the federal government responded very quickly in protecting the interests of breweries in Ontario. The interests of Quebec do not prompt the same response in the Department of Agriculture.

The most recent example of the government's spinelessness and inertia is, of course, the GATT. Article XI of the GATT was important for producers working under a quota system and of extreme importance to Quebec, since 42 per cent of its agricultural monetary earnings come from such products.

The Minister had promised to protect article XI, but he came back empty-handed with nothing but tariffs that are supposed to have the same effect, but that bring the whole supply management system into question again. We can see its effects in the poultry sector; a trade war has arisen between Quebec and Ontario.

With the new tariffs, farmers will have to adapt to an entirely new system within six years. That is a very short time for those farmers.

Earlier, the Minister of Agriculture was telling us how he wanted to negotiate with the Americans, sector by sector, following the GATT agreement. In fact, that is not what he is doing; he is negotiating a package deal with the Americans because, when all is said and done, he has not succeeded in establishing clear directives under the GATT. Even the new tariffs of 300 to 350 per cent have succeeded in flooring consumers once again: they have the impression that they are paying too much for their food products when that is not the case.

In its negotiations with the United States, Canada seems to want to fold once again where products affecting Quebec, including ice cream and yogurt, are concerned. According to all reports on the negotiations, Canadians appear to be giving the Americans greater access to the Canadian ice cream and yogurt market, in order to protect the volume of wheat exports from the West. Is this not another case in which Quebec comes out the loser in federal agricultural negotiations?

The Bloc Quebecois is warning the federal government. We will never agree that the interests of farmers in eastern Canada should be sacrificed in order to allow better access to the American market for Canadian durum wheat. We will oppose any tradeoffs between the regions in order to reach an agreement with the Americans.

Agriculture Canada appears to have a carefree and careless attitude toward the development of agriculture in Canada. That attitude is surely not the fault of the present Minister. And we are well aware that agriculture is not a very easy sector of activity. No doubt the present Minister has many problems with his party, because it seems that, when agricultural issues arise, they are always set aside or not given as much attention as issues affecting other sectors. So it is not the fault of the present Minister, but we have a system that seeks to make cuts to farm programs, at a time when great changes are taking place in agriculture.

Basically, Agriculture Canada is operating in a laxist mode, letting market forces take over. Instead of protecting farmers and encouraging the infrastructure in order to increase the number of farmers, it lets market forces take over and seems to encourage the largest integrated companies that have ever more control over the agricultural sector. This means that farmers will eventually become employees, not independent managers. It should be noted that farmers have very low incomes and work an abnormally high number of hours, and that 73 per cent of them declared off-farm income in order to supplement their income.

Half of the farmers' wives have no income for the work they do on the farm, because farm businesses do not generate enough income. Farmers are not rich operators. In 1992, nearly 22 per cent of farms lost money. This trend toward loss of income and loss of farms is part of a longstanding pattern. There are fewer and fewer farmers in Canada, and active farmers are less and less well off financially. It cannot be said that this is a passing phenomenon; it is a trend that has been evident for a some years.

Who then can say that farmers are well served by Agriculture Canada? Surely not Quebec farmers. How can the government claim in the motion before us today that it is contributing to the well-being of farmers and to job creation?

This government, which claims to be concerned about the well-being of farmers, is in the process of dealing another blow to the farm economy. A tax on food, a proposal currently being discussed by the government, could have a disastrous effect on farmers. Imposing a tax on agriculture, which is already in an extremely tenuous situation, would be tantamount to taking an additional one billion out of farmers' pockets. One billion more to be subsidized by farmers. As a result, a great many of them could be forced into bankruptcy.

Despite the uncaring and unfair attitude of the federal government, Quebec farmers have rallied solidly behind their association, the UPA, and have shown that they can compete on world markets. They are eagerly looking forward to Quebec's sovereignty because they already know that the money Quebec spends to support agriculture in Canada will be available for Quebec farmers. In view of the federal government's actions over the past ten or fifteen years, Quebec farmers have had to band together and build a strong organization. The way in which they have organized themselves has proven to be the envy of other provincial farm organizations. Their organizational ability is their strength.

Farmers also realize that they will be the first ones to benefit from sovereignty since the Quebec government will then have money to spend in the regions. It will begin by shoring up the regions with money from new taxes and it will ensure that structures and support systems for farmers are in place. This group will be first in line to benefit from this situation and that is why they are eagerly looking forward to this day. They have already established several organizations in anticipation of sovereignty.

At a Montreal gathering in 1991, farmers recognized the importance of decentralization. They called for powers to be redistributed from the top down to give regions more autonomy and more decision-making authority. I am confident that this will prove to be the strength of Quebec farmers.

In conclusion, I have to say that the government's motion, however well-intentioned it may be, is full of oversights and neglects the problems which Quebec farmers are facing. I am proud of Quebec's farming community and I know that it will be the first to benefit from the money flowing from Quebec sovereignty.

Pearson International Airport Agreements Act May 9th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise today in this House to discuss Bill C-22 regarding Pearson airport. The Minister of Transport stated in this House that the government decided that the agreements were not in the public interest, that the negotiating process was questionable and that there even might have been some political patronage in the Pearson airport issue. In cancelling the contract, the government is trying to negotiate amounts they consider to be fair and reasonable to compensate for expenses incurred in this transaction.

We feel that this gigantic issue is fishy in many respects, given the millions of dollars involved. It is why the Bloc Quebecois refuses to support second reading of Bill C-22 because it says the principle of it is flawed since it does not provide for any measure to make the work of the lobbyists transparent. In fact, as we all know, the matter of the Pearson airport contract is closely related to the role played by lobbyists. It is very disturbing. We all know the influence lobbyists can have on the government when it comes to legislation. We all know they can get from the government millions of dollars which should probably be allocated to more constructive projets than this one. This is why we would like a royal inquiry commission to be set up. This particular issue could end up being one of the most serious cases of political patronage in the history of Canada. It is therefore an issue which deserves attention and which could help us clarify the role of lobbyists and the wasteful spending of the government.

As I said, this very large transaction of $700 million would have given a private firm control over Pearson airport for 57 years. Several irregularities can be found in the process. The bidding process took only 90 days, that is three months, a period of time which is quite unusual. Only two firms participated in the bidding, one directly linked to the Conservatives, the other to the Liberals.

Of course, the firm which was close to the then Conservative government was chosen. That firm was not required to give any guarantee of financial capacity. Sure enough, it got in financial trouble later on.

Then, there was a merger with a firm which was close to the Liberal Party. Part of the reason why the government is attempting, with Bill C-22, to give financial compensation to lobbyists is because many of them are friends of the Liberals, who are now in power.

During the electoral campaign, the Prime Minister promised to bring to light the circumstances under which the agreement had been reached and to cancel the deal. It is done, the deal was cancelled, but we are still waiting for an explanation on how it was reached in the first place. There was only an in camera inquiry conducted by a former Liberal minister from the Ontario government who was close to the Liberal Party.

In fact, the only purpose of Bill C-22 is to cover up the whole thing without getting to the bottom of it. The government wants to determine, without Parliament having one word to say about it, the amount of potential compensation to be given to those thwarted investors.

Imagine! The government wants to have all the powers, to determine the amounts to be paid and to decide to whom those amounts will be paid. What a great way to deal with their friends. That is why the Bloc Quebecois is asking for a royal commission of inquiry. That is the only way to know if the investors who were involved in this deal have to be compensated, to determine the amount of compensation and to know the role that lobbyists played with the government.

Bill C-22 is unsatisfactory in several respects, and above all, it falls short not by what it says but what it does not say. According to the government, the bill sets no limit on the amount of potential payments and does not prevent negotiations. It says what the government is prepared to consider and what it is not prepared to consider. It says negotiations may not continue indefinitely. However, the nature of such payments should be specified. This bill should specify the kind of payments that may be made and not the kind of payments that will not be made.

Unfortunately, the decision is restricted to cabinet itself. The government will use section 9 to discourage all kinds of people from trying to make a case, and the rest will be up to the decision of the minister, in the privacy of cabinet. It is unacceptable to exclude Parliament, as the government is trying to do here, from such important decisions and to give Cabinet a blank cheque. And on top of that, to give so much latitude to the Minister of Transport who has already made a mess of the grain situation in western Canada. It is unacceptable to authorize payment of compensation without being sure such compensation should be paid.

There are several reasons why we would like a royal commission of inquiry.

Why a royal commission? To find out why the government officially requested proposals for the privatization of Terminals 1 and 2 at Pearson. Why would everything be done in a single phase? No pre-qualifications, unlike the process for Terminal 3, which included two phases. Why was the time frame in the request for proposals so short? Only 90 days. It was impossible for groups that, unlike Claridge and Paxport, were not already involved in the airport's management, to submit a valid bid.

Why was the contract signed on October 7, 1993, in the middle of an election campaign, after some reluctance on the part of the chief negotiator who demanded written instructions before signing? What was the exact role of the lobbyists? Whom did they approach? What was the cost to the taxpayer of this hasty decision? Who really benefited? Why did the Conservative government want to privatize Pearson, the most profitable airport in Canada?

In fact, there are a number of questions that arise, a number of fundamental questions about lobbying and the government's role. The government wants to try to cover up this affair. The Bloc Quebecois, including me, will vote against Bill C-22, and we will demand a royal commission of inquiry to shed light on what happened.

Petitions May 4th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I have the honour of submitting a petition signed by more than 600 residents from my riding of Québec-Est and the surrounding region.

The petitioners want to draw the attention of Parliament to the plight of the elderly in Quebec: 53 per cent of men and 82 per cent of women who reach the age of 65 need government assistance to make ends meet; 40 per cent of seniors aged 65 and over are entitled to the guaranteed income supplement, which merely keeps them at the poverty level. Moreover, only 5 per cent of people aged 65 and over have an annual income exceeding $50,000.

Therefore, the petitioners call upon Parliament to refrain from taking any measure to reduce any benefit, pension, social program, assistance or existing advantage for seniors, or to impose any tax or other levy having the effect of reducing their income.

I fully support this petition and I urge the government to act upon it.

International Workers Day May 2nd, 1994

Despite the inclement weather, over 30,000 men and women gathered in Montreal and in Quebec City on International Workers Day, also known as May Day, to express their disappointment over the federal government's lack of genuine job creation policies and to denounce the erosion in social protection and equity.

The distress call was sounded clearly yesterday. The federal government should focus its efforts on restoring hope by implementing a real job creation policy, instead of imposing social program reforms which could very likely mortgage the future of many Quebecers and Canadians.

The members of the Bloc Quebecois join with workers in Quebec and in Canada in expressing the hope that the federal government will finally hear this distress call.