Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was provinces.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Progressive Conservative MP for Richmond—Arthabaska (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2008, with 16% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Apec Inquiry November 19th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, on June 11, 1997, the member for Fredericton took the following oath: “I solemnly and sincerely swear that I will be a faithful and loyal servant of Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II, as a member of the Privy Council of Her Majesty in right of Canada. I will keep secret any matter that comes to my knowledge in that capacity, and anything that is treated secretly by the council. I will always act in an appropriate way as a faithful and loyal servant of Her Majesty. So help me God”.

Now, on November 19, 1998, we have proof that the solicitor general has broken his oath of office and must resign.

Apec November 4th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I do hope that Mr. Ibrahim's liberation will not be hypothetical.

If Mr. Ibrahim is not freed, can the Prime Minister tell us what Canada's official position will be, and whether he is prepared to cut short his participation in the summit, so as to send a clear message on human rights in that country?

Apec November 4th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, this is the first step in the right direction. The government must now take the second step.

The Minister of Finance, as the Prime Minister pointed out, personally phoned Mr. Ibrahim's wife to assure her of his support.

If the Prime Minister of Malaysia refuses to improve the human rights situation in his country, if he refuses to free Mr. Ibrahim, what will be Canada's official position and will the Prime Minister—

Apec November 4th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Prime Minister.

In light of what is going on in Malaysia, the members of the foreign affairs committee asked that Canada's participation in the APEC summit be discussed.

However, since the Prime Minister has made his decision and is about to leave with his entourage to travel to Malaysia, can he tell us what message he will deliver to his Malaysian counterpart regarding human rights and more specifically the fate of Anwar Ibrahim, who is imprisoned in Malaysia?

The Constitution October 26th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister considers himself the leader who has done the most for the constitution. The most, yes, but the most damage.

When it comes down to it, the best ally the Quebec sovereignists and Lucien Bouchard have in Quebec is the Prime Minister himself and his gang.

With the attitude the Prime Minister and his troops have toward constitutional matters, I have a suggestion to make: the true federalist forces in the country have a clear, cut and dried strategy to suggest to the Prime Minister, the Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs and the Liberal government. Shhh, keep absolutely quiet for the next 36 days. Not a word.

The Constitution October 26th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, there is a desire for change, for renewed federalism, not only in Quebec but in all the rest of the country as well.

The only one who seems not to share that desire is the man who should spend less time patting himself on the back and more time doing his job, our famous Machiavelli of Canadian politics, the Prime Minister of Canada. Divide and conquer, that is what the government's constitutional strategy is, in a nutshell.

With all the statements the Prime Minister has made, does the Liberal government not realize he is giving the kiss of death to the leader of the federalist forces in Quebec?

Supply October 20th, 1998

Madam Speaker, with your permission, I will be sharing my time on this very important issue with the hon. member for Madawaska—Restigouche.

We were very honoured, or almost, by the presence of the Solicitor General in the House for a few minutes. Once again, however, it is apparent that the Solicitor General has more answers to questions when he is in an airplane, or a gym with a towel wrapped around his waist, than in the House. It is a little bit unfortunate, but I would rather see the Solicitor General in his suit, here in the House, even if he does not answer my questions, than in a gym.

The important thing is that the government has been telling us for weeks that we must put trust in the commission, in the process, in the commission's credibility. Our problems are not with the commission.

The commission itself admits, in two letters it sent to the Solicitor General, that in the interests of legal fairness to the complainants and of credibility in this exceptional situation, the students should be given legal financial assistance.

The government, probably the Prime Minister, told the Solicitor General: “Now listen, you are not paying for the students. Figure your own way out of that. It is your turn at the bat.” It is as clear as that. He comes and wastes our time in the House by trying to use up his full 10 minutes and saying almost nothing.

The commission is important. There is fear of creating a precedent. I was listening to the Parliamentary Secretary here in this House this morning talking about setting precedents, and all that. The precedent has been set. First, provisions of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms are being attacked. That is one precedent. The second is that an additional $650,000 is being given to the commission. This has never been done before. And nearly a year of preparation for the hearings. That too has never been seen before.

Lawyers are hired, not legal aid lawyers working for minimum wage. A whole gang of lawyers traipsing from Ottawa to Vancouver and probably earning hundreds of dollars an hour. I have no problem with their earning a good living, but I do have a problem with their being allowed to travel from Ottawa to Vancouver. Vancouver is a very fine city, but could the students there not also be helped to defend themselves properly?

This process is tainted with political influence. Everyone knows this, but the other side of this House will not admit it. There is fear of creating a precedent but, I repeat, the precedent has been set by the Prime Minister's political intervention at the APEC summit, via the RCMP.

A precedent has been set by the Prime Minister's buffoonery about the events in Vancouver. Only someone as foolish as those on the other side of this House could say everything is just fine and make ridiculous comparisons, like the reference to baseball bats. The Prime Minister may not be Mark McGwire but the Solicitor General does bear some resemblance to a baseball catcher, as he is the one who always ends up with the ball. This must stop. It is a matter of credibility.

The Solicitor General said it. For weeks now he has been discussing this issue with the Prime Minister and with cabinet members. He talks about it to everyone, but he refuses to discuss it in this House. He is probably not comfortable with parliamentary immunity in this House. We should all go sit on the lawn in front of the Parliament buildings, and perhaps we would get real answers to our questions.

This is unacceptable. Of course, it is a poor analogy, but it would not be the first time that administrative tribunals or quasi-judicial bodies have helped complainants. It may not be comparable from a strictly administrative point of view, but it is important.

The National Energy Board gave money to aboriginals, because they did not have the means to challenge the pipeline route. This is a quasi-judicial administrative tribunal.

When it was discovered that female prisoners in Kingston had been subjected to treatments that were in clear violation of human rights, they received financial assistance. Salaries paid to inmates are rather low. They receive some money every week for the canteen, but that is all. So, these women got some help.

Nobody objected to that. Nobody said “we are setting a precedent. We are now going to have to fund prisoners to go after police officers and prison guards and spark riots in all the jails”. Nobody said that. This was done once, and it was an excellent decision.

It is the first time that the RCMP complaints commission has to deal with such an important case. It is the first time that students, who simply wanted to show that they did not appreciate having dictators come to Canada, were charged in such a brutal manner.

This is very disturbing. Apparently, the Prime Minister and the Solicitor General talk to each other several times a day about this issue. We hope the Prime Minister will tell the Solicitor General “Listen, enough is enough. Go back to the dressing room for a few months. We will make a substitution. There will no longer be any political interference regarding what happened to the students at the APEC summit”.

I hope our Liberal colleagues will support the NDP motion. The member for Vancouver Quadra, for example, former secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, supported the request. The B.C. Liberals also agree that the students should get help. Things are being blocked here in Ottawa at the PMO.

I do not understand. I hope all the members, back and front benchers alike, will support the motion to defend the most important thing in this country: fundamental rights. I hope they will.

I would like to ask the member opposite to consult his colleagues and the people from British Columbia. It would be a good thing if the Liberal Party agreed to support the NDP motion to prevent abuse of the most fundamental rights.

I also hope that the members will tell the public and the students why they think the students do not need financial help to pay their lawyer. Talk about legal balance! It is totally disgusting.

So, that said, I sincerely hope that, in future discussions on fundamental rights and the Canadian Constitution, the Prime Minister does not go bragging about having signed the charter of rights. He did not invent the wheel either. The Bill of Rights existed under Diefenbaker.

The Prime Minister is gloating over that, but showing no respect for those whose charter rights have been trampled. This is very serious. The Prime Minister is breaking his oath to uphold the Canadian Constitution and all the related provisions of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

I hope that the student plaintiffs in Vancouver will get all Canadians and all Quebeckers to understand and accept their message so that this situation will never recur. One of the ways to ensure that it never happens again is for the back-benchers, the front-benchers, and those in between, to support the NDP motion.

If the government has managed to find close to three-quarters of a million dollars to fly lawyers off to one of the most beautiful cities in the country, Vancouver, I believe it could have given 25 cents on the dollar, as the saying goes, to the students. It could give the students just one-fourth of what it is spending on its lawyers' hourly fees and expenses for accommodation, transportation and so on. That would be a beginning, but it refuses to do so.

There is no bottom to the pockets of the government and the RCMP when it comes to the number of lawyers it can afford to send to the commission of inquiry. This makes sure the plaintiffs will be at a total disadvantage.

Supply October 20th, 1998

Madam Speaker, the Solicitor General has not answered the question. I will be brief. He says he has confidence in the process and the commission, which is extremely credible. So why is he rejecting the request made twice by the commission that he provide help for the complainants in this matter? Twice now the Solicitor General has refused to pay. In this particular case, the complaint is special.

Here again, I repeat: $650,000 more for the commission. This has never happened since the commission's inception. Twice the commission has asked the Solicitor General to pay for the students. The federal court has spoken. A slew of lawyers is being paid at huge cost. I hope the Solicitor General will tell us how much that costs, especially the travel back and forth between Ottawa and Vancouver. Why is the Solicitor General refusing to help the complainants?

Is the Prime Minister telling him what to do or is the Solicitor General big enough to say “Yes, I will help the complainants?”

Supply October 5th, 1998

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to rise today on an issue that members of the Progressive Conservative Party know well. We are talking about the social union, but we used to call it the Canadian pact. This, of course, was part of our 1997 election platform. If I have enough time, I will be pleased to indicate to the House the similarities that exist between the two.

Some members pointed out earlier the advantage for the provinces to have worked together and reached an agreement. That is the positive side. It was the same for the Calgary declaration. It was a small starting point. The provinces and territories are doing the work. Why? Because Liberals are not doing their job. The success achieved by the provinces in the social union is linked to a lack of leadership from the government. It is a causality link. Liberals are not doing their job, so the provinces are doing it for them. The Liberal government should show much more inclination and willingness to greet positively what is happening in the provinces.

The message that we want to send, both to Quebec and to the rest of the country, is that, if there are problems in federal-provincial relations, it is not necessarily because of the provinces. Perhaps we should look at the other side of the House, where the Liberals are sitting. But there is hope if the provinces are able to talk to each other. That is the interesting thing.

The other point I would like to make—and I did so earlier in a question I asked this morning—is that the social union is not only a health issue, but also an education and a social assistance issue. It is not only a money issue.

The idea behind social union is not only to say that we want six, seven or eight billion dollars more. It is a way of putting in place a new and effective system of federal-provincial relations. We must see beyond money and health issues, even though they are also very important. The health issue was raised this morning by my colleagues from the Bloc. I share their view. Education also is important.

So, what we are saying is that social union must go a little further, but, as I indicated, I will talk about that later.

I would like to talk to the motion put today by my colleague from Témiscamingue. Of course, it talks about money. The provincial ministers of finance proposed many solutions involving cash and tax points over three, four or five years. These are all very interesting solutions provided that the so-called team captain, in this case the Prime Minister, agrees to co-operate. But that co-operation is not there at the moment.

The deadline for the social union is December 31. Madam Speaker, I do not know the state of your personal finances, but if you have money, do not bet on that, unless the federal government decides to be more open. The social union project appears to be in jeopardy. Can we already talk about failure? No, because the very fact that the provinces and territories reached an agreement is a great success. But since the federal government is not there, that achievement seems likely to be turned into a failure, unfortunately.

Now, I would like to come back to the social issue, more specifically to the circumstances leading to the need for more money. But there is the principle of clarifying federal-provincial relations.

I would like to talk about the points made in the motion presented by my colleague from the Bloc. Restoring the level of contributions is a question of money, of course, and it is important. I agree with 98% of the Bloc's arguments, which says it is Ottawa's fault. In effect, Ottawa is the one behind it all. But I disagree—and I rate this at 2%—with its arguments because the Quebec government is doing to municipalities what the federal government is doing to the provinces. I know, I was a mayor long enough. So, it is sometimes neither black nor white, but grey.

What is interesting, though, is the support of a majority of provinces before initiating new federal incursions into sectors under provincial jurisdiction. It is fantastic. But what could first be clarified is what is neither under federal nor provincial jurisdiction. It is said that health care falls under provincial jurisdiction. That is all fine and good, but how many hundreds of millions of dollars in health research are funded by the federal government? The tens and hundreds of millions of dollars spent by the federal government in research seem to be accepted by Quebec and the other provinces. And what about the granting councils? Do they come under federal or provincial jurisdiction?

We must sit down and look at all areas of jurisdiction, and not necessarily make constitutional changes—we have not reached that point yet—but maybe establish correctly the different areas of jurisdiction and, after that, look at how we can manage them for the benefit of Quebeckers and Canadians.

So, it is important to clarify the areas of jurisdiction, because some people always consider our country as being upside down or the other way around. Maybe we should liken this country to a tree, with the roots meaning we are all working toward a common goal, and the leaves representing the whole population. Maybe that is how we should look at it. The federal government and the provinces alike want to be at the top of the pyramid, to have jurisdiction over it. But ultimately, the most important in all this is the population we are here to serve.

As I said earlier, there is also the provincial right to opt out with full compensation. I am not sure we really understand what it actually means. Opting out means you take your money and leave. But it seems now that it is not quite that simple. You take the money, but you somehow have to spend it in the same jurisdiction and to work toward the same goals.

This is not really opting out, except administratively. If we really want what the Progressive Conservative Party calls a Canadian pact and the provinces call social union, there cannot be any opting-out, because we have to agree on certain rules or standards.

My NDP colleague raised concerns about the national standards to be set by the federal government. That is not our position. We are suggesting instead a Canadian pact office with federal and provincial representatives who are going to first set and then implement the national standards.

When we have standards, if for some reason a province should decide to opt out, it should still abide by the standards of the Canadian pact or social union.

Some real progress has been made and I congratulate the people and premier of Quebec on this. This is not the same concept of opting out we had back in the 1970s or the 1980s. It is a right to opt out because some things, some programs have been put forward. This will be done in the same spirit, except that we might like to manage things. And why not, since the provinces have often shown they can manage things better than the federal government. I do not have a problem with that.

It must be well understood that we are saying that, if we agree on the rules, the standards, the basics relating to the Canadian pact or social union, we cannot have a right to opt out, pure and simple. Should it be an administrative opting out? Sure, why not, as long as we abide by the rules. It is nonetheless important.

It is so important that if we do not have that, we cannot have a dispute settlement mechanism. How can we have a dispute settlement mechanism without agreeing on the main points? What we are proposing is a Canadian pact office which, once it has decided how it should work, and decided of course on the funding, will set the rules so we can settle any potential problems. Of course we do not like conflicts. That is why we need well established rules.

If a province chooses to opt out, or if a province that opted in mismanages a program, there will be enforcement mechanisms with teeth—not only a slap on the wrist.

Some people seem to have a problem with that. I apologize for talking about Quebec in particular, but I feel it is important. Even though any analogy is lame, may I remind the House that, when the free trade agreements were negotiated, a dispute settlement mechanism was put in place. Everybody agrees on this.

If we have an agreement on social union, what we call a Canadian pact, it is normal to have a dispute settlement process inasmuch as we agree on the terms of this social union.

In conclusion, I would like to stress the fact that the provinces must persevere. If I am not mistaken, the next meeting will be held in Winnipeg two weeks from now. I hope the Minister of Justice will be more voluble. Of course, she had to understand what was going on at the provincial level. Perhaps this proves once again that there is a dichotomy between what goes on here in Ottawa and the reality.

I say to the provinces that they should persevere and resist temptation, and I ask the federal government to start showing more leadership.

Supply October 5th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, earlier the member for Drummond mentioned the Canadian Medical Association. I would like to know whether she agrees with the CMA's proposal to earmark part of the CST for health care since, as we know, it currently includes health care as well as education and social assistance.

Our friends in the Bloc Quebecois forgot to mention education, but I am sure it is an area close to their hearts.

Would the member agree to an initial transfer payment formula that would guarantee a certain amount for health services in order to avoid the kind of situation she mentioned? And if so, what percentage of the transfer would she like to see guaranteed for health care?