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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was agriculture.

Last in Parliament October 2017, as Conservative MP for Battlefords—Lloydminster (Saskatchewan)

Won his last election, in 2015, with 61% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Federal-Provincial Fiscal Arrangements Act February 15th, 1999

Madam Speaker, the parliamentary secretary talked about the cost of the production of oil. Newfoundland's is maybe higher offshore. The problem in Saskatchewan is that it is very heavy crude that we are trying to pump. We are into steam recovery. We are into upgrading it and all sorts of things. We have costs involved as well. I am saying that if the formula gets so convoluted and tough to work with it becomes a bureaucratic nightmare.

As I said in my speech, the average family in Alberta earning $30,000 to $40,000 a year pays 9% more in taxes than it receives in government services. The tax load has to be higher from Alberta, a have province, to subsidize a have not province like Saskatchewan next door. Those are the facts. Those are the government's numbers.

When we speak about health care in Saskatchewan, we have closed 57 hospitals in the last number of years. We are still spending $300 million more in health care than we did before we closed those hospitals. We have fewer doctors and nurses. We have longer waiting lists. We have a horrendous amount of administrators, facilitators, co-ordinators and all sorts of paper pushers and nobody servicing anybody who is ill. It is not acceptable.

Federal-Provincial Fiscal Arrangements Act February 15th, 1999

Madam Speaker, I thank the member from Kamloops for his great intervention on Saskatchewan provincial politics.

Since I live there and he does not, I can tell him that being a have not province regardless of who is governing us is not a great thing to be. Regardless of what government has been in Saskatchewan the problem we have seen is that we still have not fulfilled the potential we have in that great province. We have the resources, the pioneering spirit and the entrepreneurial drive.

Under the NDP government we have seen in the last number of years utility rates rather than taxes go through the roof. Those are not part of the equalization system. We have seen a 9% PST hike and we have backed off a little on that. Roads are in terrible disarray. Health care is abysmal with waiting lines that are unacceptable.

It does not seem to matter what government is in power. It still comes down to some cash transfers from the federal government that everybody relies on. It becomes a disincentive to get out there and make things happen on your own.

Federal-Provincial Fiscal Arrangements Act February 15th, 1999

The value of the product, sure. That is what I talked about in my speech as well, the value of pulse crops. The value of a tobacco crop in Ontario is certainly different than the value of a canary crop in Saskatchewan. How does the government come to a formula that is workable and fair to everyone with all of those different codicils and amendments to it?

Federal-Provincial Fiscal Arrangements Act February 15th, 1999

Madam Speaker, I thank the parliamentary secretary for his intervention. I think he misread what I said. I said people in the have not provinces should not be treated as liabilities.

What we want to create is equality of opportunity, not equality of outcome. We cannot do that. We have regional disparity. We have different things happening across this country. But equality of opportunity, quality of life, we are all after those goals. It is a great target to shoot for.

When we look at equalization across the country, Saskatchewan is a have not province for whatever reasons. I am wondering why Saskatchewan oil revenues are not treated the same as Newfoundland oil revenues. Newfoundland is also a have not province. Why do we have different sets of rules for different provincial jurisdictions? Why do we have some extra little things written for other areas?

Federal-Provincial Fiscal Arrangements Act February 15th, 1999

Madam Speaker, we are here this afternoon discussing Bill C-65, the equalization bill.

One thing that concerns me in this bill is there seems to be no recognition of costs in creating the wealth, only more confusing ways of counting revenues. The federal government wants to know how much the final product is worth rather than simply count the number of logs after the fact. There might be some common sense there but it is hard to see how it will work in practice.

I am thinking about Saskatchewan's agricultural production and I wonder if there is any consideration for the greater input costs that go into producing the higher value crops. Presumably my province will be penalized equalization payments because our farmers will be earning more for pulse crops than they did for growing the straight grain commodities. The problem is that growing higher value crops is more expensive and there seems to be a disincentive to invest and innovate built into this approach to equalization.

We have no indication that this government is listening to the auditor general or the provinces that have an interest in removing disincentives. There is no argument that disincentives exist in this equalization scheme. We hear that from both sides. How else can we explain the fact that some of the highest sales taxes in this country are charged by the have not governments of Atlantic Canada through harmonized governance?

These provinces suffer from higher than average unemployment and lower than average incomes but their citizens are charged higher sales taxes than in Ontario and certainly in Alberta.

By overcharging on certain taxes these provinces suppress consumer activity but at least are not penalized equalization money because the revenues are below averages enjoyed elsewhere.

If anybody in this House is still under the illusion that higher taxes raise more revenues I invite them to look at the examples of the successes enjoyed by Ontario and certainly Alberta. We are aware that Ontario is looking at alternatives to the present equalization schemes because the world that existed when this system was first cooked up 40 years ago is now quite different.

Trade flows across North America and between us, European and Asian countries have undergone dramatic change. This bill seems to want to perpetuate a system that Canada has outgrown. In the meantime the government, despite promises going back to 1993, has failed to address billions of dollars lost through interprovincial trade barriers while it thinks up new ways to irritate the Americans and interfere with that important market.

The point is there are many ways to grow the national economy that do not include sending wealth through the bureaucratic meat grinder here in Ottawa. Wealth creation is not a zero sum game where if the government does not grab a share off the top and sends it to where it thinks it is needed that somehow no wealth would ever be distributed. That has never been a true picture of economic activity and we are still waiting for this government to grasp that simple economic concept.

The urge to tinker and micro manage the economy leads to some unfortunate distortions. Subsidies to have not provinces allow them to charge less in some areas than the cost of the service and conversely because have provinces are obligated to finance those subsidies they must collect more taxes than they might otherwise wish to. We know high taxes penalize low income Canadians, proportionately more than high income Canadians.

The fact that governments turn around and dish out the high taxes in the form of credits and social programs only begs the question why take it away from them in the first place. A C.D. Howe study showed that when the extra taxes are taken away from low income earners in a have province they are just as likely to end up in the hands of a higher income citizen of a have not province. This includes all services and is reflected in the fact that Alberta families earning $30,000 to $40,000 a year pay 9% more in taxes than they receive in government services while Canadians earning the same amount in a have not province, like Saskatchewan right next door, see anywhere from 2.4% to 15.4% more in return than they pay out. Where is the fairness? How does this constitute equalization?

If this was one country where Canadians were welcome to live anywhere within our borders then we could not tolerate policies that paid people to stay where jobs did not exist at the expense of people who sought out opportunities where they did. My province of Saskatchewan has seen its population stagnate or migrate over the years but I do not support policies that would encourage people to sit at home. Saskatchewan has tremendous potential and I would like to see that explored first. No one should be treated as a liability that their home province has to pay for, and that is what this legislation seems to do.

Clearly what we should be doing is looking at ways to unleash the potential of every province and region of this great country. We should be examining legislation that average Canadians can understand that is so clear that it does not need special exemptions and rulings, that focuses the benefits of any program on the people who need it most. I do not think there is a better definition of equalization than that.

The idea is to help those in need have the same opportunity as others, not move everyone to the lowest common denominator. We cannot guarantee the same outcome, and maybe that is what this government is going for.

As usual, we started out with simple intentions 40 some years ago and ended up with a tax code and gun registry that are totally unworkable. Billions of dollars are intended to accomplish certain objectives but the objectives end up being blurred. Accountability is sacrificed in the name of an ideal and the ideal ends up being overrun by events.

By all means let us agree that we want the whole country to enjoy the wealth we have generated within our borders but let us not keep our citizens from creating their own wealth on their own initiative.

We must remember there is only one taxpayer whether from Alberta or Newfoundland. The so-called have provinces must maintain higher taxes to pay their share of equalization which has an impact on poorer people of that province just so programs can exist to subsidize not so poor people in have not provinces.

Bill C-65 is really all about the federal government maintaining control of tax loads, to have a say in provincial affairs. As we know, he who has the money makes the rules, but in the end is that the best Canadian taxpayers can expect?

Health Care February 15th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, the reality of health care spending right now is that 30% is private funding, 60% comes from the provinces and 10% from the federal government. That is really saving health care for the future, is it not?

How can the government be wringing record high levels of taxes from Canadians? It is sucking the lifeblood out of the health system. We are paying more and getting less. Why?

Health Care February 15th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, the reality of life in Canada today is that while our tax burden has risen 37 times, health spending has fallen by over $1,100 per person putting over 200,000 people on waiting lists.

How can the government claim to be a tax cutter and health saver when the facts prove we are paying more and getting less?

Division No. 316 February 15th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to rise today to discuss the equalization bill. I join my colleagues on this side of the House in condemning the irresponsible panic the government uses to introduce legislation in this place. To compound that, about an hour ago we had the 46th time that time allocation or closure has been moved since the Liberals took power in 1993.

There is a list of comments that could be made by the members from that side in the way they handled time allocation when it was used against them in a couple of government situations before that. I will not get into that today.

This is not the first time this cabinet has waited until the last minute to bring in time sensitive financial bills with no consultation or material circulated so that all members of parliament and their constituents can get a good, hard look at what is being proposed.

In the case of Bill C-65 we have the even greater absurdity of having this dumped in our laps, so the government knew it would have to take a look at the equalization legislation formula every five years. We knew this was coming. It is nothing new.

The auditor general several times has reminded the government through his annual recommendations to reform the structure of equalization, but like so many other worthwhile things that he has had to say lately, it has been totally ignored.

The opposition and by extension all Canadians outside government circles were given three sitting days notice to consider $35 billion in spending that will extend well into the mandate of the next government. As the old saw goes, haste makes waste, and this government has made haste an art form.

Bill C-65 introduces some new variables into an equation that is already so complex that even its authors have trouble understanding it. How else can we explain the fact that three years out of five the formula for figuring out the amounts to be doled out has to resort to exceptions and special definitions.

The formula, in other words, cannot even describe what the government has in mind for all this money it hands out. I equate this equalization system with the so-called simplicity of the new gun registry which one member opposite compared to the simplicity of the tax code. It never seems to occur to this government that there is something wrong with a tax code that runs to 1,600 pages and still requires thousands of legal opinions every year.

It does not seem to bother this government that it has spent $200 million on a gun registry with more waste on the way as it struggles to make it work. No one knows exactly what is supposed to be accomplished by it.

Equalization as practised by this government suffers from the same disease. It is complex, unaccountable, ineffective and unworkable. On top of built-in special terms and evasions this government has had to write up special deals with two so-called have not provinces so that, we presume, they can be even more equal than the other have nots.

It has occurred to me that if Nova Scotia and Newfoundland get special discounts on their oil revenues maybe my home province of Saskatchewan can make a deal on casino revenues which are now to be considered part of the province's fiscal status. In future will we see three levels of consideration for lottery revenues like we are looking at for oil in those other two provinces? Will there be special calculations for lottery tickets versus roulette wheel contributions?

Saskatchewan plans to take a major hit on gaming revenues as, right or wrong, it has built up quite a nest egg over the last couple of years from that source. We cannot be sure that gambling even represents net revenue in the broadest sense. When we take out the social ramifications and the costs to families and so on, is there anything there that we really want to take a look at taxing?

When the federal government counts the gross amount donated to one arm bandits, lottery retailers, will it subtract the social cost of gambling addictions and the resulting family break-ups? Will it take into account the fact that gambling money may simply be money taken from some other spending? Will it take into account, as the member for Surrey Central mentioned on Monday, the example of Windsor, Ontario? There is a great glittering casino there surrounded by boarded-up restaurants and shops, and Windsor is at least on the boarder with Detroit, a large population base to draw from. One could argue that we are fleecing Americans for their loose change, but that is not a likely outlet for rural Saskatchewan.

I am not trying to argue that provinces should be able to collect billions from their own jurisdiction and pick up handouts from Ontario, Alberta and B.C. as well. Quite the contrary. The fact that ten provinces and soon to be three territories exist as autonomous jurisdictions means that all these governments have different ways to fulfil the ambitions and desires of their local populations.

The equalization plan this government is still tinkering with, in fact making even more complex, does not even want to recognize this. The equalization wants to arbitrarily level the playing field by chopping down all the trees and filling in the ditches. It forgets there are reasons why some people need those forests.

Taxation February 10th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, the minister talked about 400,000 taxpayers being eliminated from the tax rolls. We do not want to hear about the people who have moved out of the country or have died. We are talking about the 14 million people who have to stay here and pay these exorbitant taxes. The reality of living in Canada is that we are paying more and getting less.

What we would like to know is why can the government not understand that people want the government to cut taxes, not health care.

Taxation February 10th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, the reality in this country is that the government has hiked taxes 37 times. Even after the budget next week with a $2 billion proposed tax cut, taxes are still the biggest component in any family's budget load.

Why is the government continuing to tax Canadians more and giving them less in services?