An Act to amend the Criminal Code and the Department of Justice Act and to make consequential amendments to another Act

This bill was last introduced in the 42nd Parliament, 1st Session, which ended in September 2019.

Sponsor

Status

This bill has received Royal Assent and is now law.

Summary

This is from the published bill. The Library of Parliament often publishes better independent summaries.

This enactment amends the Criminal Code to amend, remove or repeal passages and provisions that have been ruled unconstitutional or that raise risks with regard to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as well as passages and provisions that are obsolete, redundant or that no longer have a place in criminal law. It also modifies certain provisions of the Code relating to sexual assault in order to clarify their application and to provide a procedure applicable to the admissibility and use of a complainant’s record when in the possession of the accused.
This enactment also amends the Department of Justice Act to require that the Minister of Justice cause to be tabled, for every government Bill introduced in either House of Parliament, a statement of the Bill’s potential effects on the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
Finally, it makes consequential amendments to the Criminal Records Act.

Elsewhere

All sorts of information on this bill is available at LEGISinfo, an excellent resource from the Library of Parliament. You can also read the full text of the bill.

Votes

Dec. 10, 2018 Passed Motion respecting Senate amendments to Bill C-51, An Act to amend the Criminal Code and the Department of Justice Act and to make consequential amendments to another Act
Dec. 10, 2018 Passed Time allocation for Bill C-51, An Act to amend the Criminal Code and the Department of Justice Act and to make consequential amendments to another Act

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 6:50 p.m.
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Liberal

Pam Damoff Liberal Oakville North—Burlington, ON

Madam Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Yorkton—Melville.

I am pleased to speak in support of Bill C-51, and will focus my remarks on proposed amendments to the Criminal Code that pertain to sexual assault.

In light of testimony we heard at our status of women committee during our recent work on violence against women, this is extremely welcome legislation. I am pleased to see the work of our committee reflected in Bill C-51.

At the heart of the legislation, there is better protection for survivors of sexual assault. These proposed reforms flow from the complex legislative history in this area and must be understood in that context.

Major reform of the criminal law's approach to sexual violence began in 1983 and continued throughout the 1990s. These reforms were in response to concerns expressed by women and survivors groups, and to certain court decisions that were viewed as failing to adequately protect survivors of sexual assault, who were disproportionately women and girls. These legal reforms were intended to encourage reporting, improve the criminal justice system's response to reports, and change discriminatory views of complainants that resulted from myths and stereotypes about survivors of sexual violence and how a “true victim” was meant to behave.

The 1983 reforms introduced new gender-neutral sexual offences that captured a broader range of conduct, which focused on the level of violence used by the assailant, rather than the type of sexual act committed. Specifically, these reforms brought into force the three general sexual offences that we have in the Criminal Code today.

The 1983 legal reforms also brought into force Canada's first “rape shield” law that was designed to prevent the admission of evidence of a complainant's sexual history for an improper purpose.

Prior to 1983, evidence of the complainant's prior sexual activity was admissible in court to show that she was more likely to have consented to sexual activity or that she was less worthy of belief. Additionally, an accused was permitted to interpret a complainant's passivity as consent. These inferences, which were being applied in the courts, were based on harmful and discriminatory stereotypes about how women and survivors of sexual assault were meant to behave.

In 1991, the Supreme Court of Canada struck down the 1983 version of our rape shield law. In 1992, Parliament responded to the court by enacted the charter-compliant rape shield law that we have today. Specifically, then minister of justice, the Right Hon. Kim Campbell, amended the rape shield provisions to create two distinct rules. One categorically excluded evidence of a complainant's sexual history when it was introduced to infer one of the rape myths. The other presumptively excluded evidence of a complainant's sexual history when introduced for other purposes, unless specific criteria were met.

The 1992 amendments also included a clear and affirmative definition of consent as the “voluntary agreement of the complainant to engage in the sexual activity in question”, as well as the non-exhaustive list of circumstances in which no consent could be obtained in law, for example, where the complainant was incapable of consenting, or where she expressed a lack of agreement.

The 1992 amendments also limited the accused's ability to advance the defence known as “mistaken belief in consent”. The law is now clear that the defence is not available where the accused's belief in consent arose from self-induced intoxication, recklessness or wilful blindness. Nor is the defence available where the accused failed to take reasonable steps to ascertain that the complainant was consenting.

In 1997, the Criminal Code was again amended to prevent the accused from engaging in so-called fishing expeditions by seeking production of complainants' private records in order to undermine their credibility. The third party records regime was enacted as a specific response to the Supreme Court of Canada's 1995 O'Connor decision, which did not require consideration of sexual assault complainants' privacy rights in determining whether their private records that were in the possession of third parties should be produced in a sexual assault trial.

This “third party records regime” enacted by Parliament limits the accused's access to the complainant's private records. Consideration of the complainant's right to privacy must be considered when determining whether her private records should be produced to the accused, in addition to the accused's right to make full answer and defence.

Crucially, the Supreme Court upheld the third party records regime as constitutional in its 1999 Mills decision. The Supreme Court also clarified our existing sexual assault provisions in its 1999 Ewanchuk decision. In that case, the survivor was a 17-year-old woman who was sexually assaulted in a van by a man purporting to interview her for a job. The accused was acquitted at trial, and his acquittal was upheld by the Alberta Court of Appeal in an infamous decision involving a finding that consent was implied because the complainant failed to resist, she was sexually experienced, and she did not present herself to the accused, as one of the judges called it, in a bonnet and crinolines. Both the lower and upper courts acquitted the accused of sexual assault, despite the fact that the trial court found that the survivor clearly expressed her lack of consent a number of times.

The Supreme Court's decision in Ewanchuk overturned these findings and continues to state the law on sexual assault to this day. Specifically, the court held that there is no defence of implied consent to sexual assault. An accused is not entitled to interpret passivity as “yes”. Consent requires an affirmative communication of “yes” through either words or conduct, and “no” can never mean “yes”. The Ewanchuk standard of consent is often expressed as “only yes means yes”. In other words, there is no consent unless it is voluntary and clear and given without coercion, and it can be withdrawn at any time.

In clarifying the law in this regard, the Supreme Court found that the lower courts had improperly relied upon myths and stereotypes about sexual assault complainants that are not valid in Canadian law.

Finally, in the 2011 J.A. decision, the Supreme Court held that consent “requires the complainant to provide actual active consent through every phase of the sexual activity”, and that therefore it is not possible for an unconscious person to satisfy this requirement.

Unfortunately, we know that some of these myths and stereotypes have persisted despite these Supreme Court decisions. The proposed amendments in this bill are therefore aimed at clarifying the law to assist in avoiding its misapplication.

Consistent with previous Supreme Court decisions, they would clarify that no consent is obtained if the complainant is unconscious; that the accused cannot advance the defence of mistaken belief in consent where that belief is based on a mistake of law—for example, because the accused believed that valid consent can be obtained even when the complainant expresses lack of consent; that the rape shield provisions never allow an accused to adduce evidence of a complainant's prior sexual activity to support any of the rape myths; and that for the purposes of the rape shield provisions, prior sexual activity includes communications made for a sexual purpose or whose content is of a sexual nature, which would include emails or text messages that involve sexualized texts or images, often referred to as “sexting”.

The proposed amendments in this bill would also clarify that a complainant has a standing and a right to counsel in rape shield proceedings, just as the complainant already has a right in the context of third party records proceedings, and the amendments would create a new regime that would apply to the admissibility of the complainant's private records that are in the possession of the accused, just as the current rape shield provisions apply to the admissibility of evidence of the complainant's sexual history.

These proposed amendments strengthen our already robust sexual assault provisions by clarifying and bolstering the law and facilitating its proper application. This is just one response to a complex issue that has raised significant concern over the past decades. Complainants continue to lack confidence in the criminal justice system, as reflected in the fact that the vast majority of sexual assaults go unreported, and when they are reported to the police, the vast majority never make it to trial.

Recent media reports have brought this critical issue to the forefront, and I urge all members to join me in supporting this important step toward ensuring that the criminal justice system responds effectively and appropriately to this gendered crime by giving survivors of sexual assault the respect and dignity they deserve.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7 p.m.
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Conservative

Harold Albrecht Conservative Kitchener—Conestoga, ON

Madam Speaker, I want all members of the House and all Canadians to know that Conservatives fully support any changes in this bill that would clarify and strengthen sexual assault provisions in the Criminal Code.

The health committee recently conducted a study on the effect of pornography. The health committee heard all kinds of evidence that violent and degrading material can result in harm to our children and violence toward women and girls, yet this evidence was totally omitted from the final report. Because the evidence was omitted, there is also very little in terms of recommendations. In fact, there was a failure to forward meaningful recommendations.

Why would the Liberals talk about strengthening sexual assault provisions on the one hand, yet at the very same time, just a few days ago, reject the evidence and fail to put forward meaningful reports that would protect our children from this kind of material?

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7 p.m.
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Liberal

Pam Damoff Liberal Oakville North—Burlington, ON

Madam Speaker, it was actually the status of women committee that did the study. We had an abundance of testimony that all forms of violent and degrading sexual images of women contribute to sexual assault. It was not just limited to pornography. In fact, one witness testified that she had gone through over 300 studies on the issue and verified that whether it is a bus shelter ad or a music video, regardless of where violent and degrading images are seen, there is an impact on sexual assault. As a result, our recommendations reflected the testimony that we heard about all forms of violent and degrading sexual assault.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7 p.m.
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NDP

Rachel Blaney NDP North Island—Powell River, BC

Madam Speaker, the NDP is happy to see the rape shield changes move forward. They would allow a complainant to have a lawyer present during the proceedings. That is very welcome.

However, one of the realities is that this legislation does not address in any way the income disparity of so many women across Canada. The Liberal government, being a feminist government, has announced many times that it wants to make sure women are safe and protected, but that means making sure that they have the resources.

I am wondering if the hon. member would tell us a bit about the investment that I hope to see soon to address these issues in legal aid for women.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7 p.m.
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Liberal

Pam Damoff Liberal Oakville North—Burlington, ON

Madam Speaker, the hon. member is absolutely correct that it is difficult for many women to access the legal system.

In our study on violence against young women and girls, we saw that many of the challenges facing them are under provincial jurisdiction. Things like the availability of legal aid, training for crown prosecutors, and training for police officers fall under provincial jurisdiction. Much of the testimony we heard was outside the scope of the federal government.

That is why we asked the Minister of Justice, the Minister of Public Safety, and the Minister of Status of Women to work with their provincial and territorial colleagues to not only pass along the concerns that we have found but also to encourage them to look at making it easier for women to come forward and have access to the justice system. We never want a woman to feel that she is unable to come forward and that she will not be fully supported throughout the process.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7 p.m.
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Brampton West Ontario

Liberal

Kamal Khera LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Minister of National Revenue

Madam Speaker, I thank my hon. colleague and my friend for all the excellent work she does on the status of women committee.

As my colleague just mentioned, in recent news reports we have heard that many women do not come forward in sexual assault cases. Could the member please elaborate on how this extremely important piece of legislation will encourage victims and survivors of sexual assault to come forward and seek help?

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:05 p.m.
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Liberal

Pam Damoff Liberal Oakville North—Burlington, ON

Madam Speaker, I addressed a lot of my colleague's comments in my speech, but there is certainly a perception that things like consent, or no means no, will allow women to have confidence to come forward knowing that their concerns will be taken seriously by the justice system.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:05 p.m.
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Conservative

Cathay Wagantall Conservative Yorkton—Melville, SK

Madam Speaker, on June 5 the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada introduced Bill C-51, An Act to amend the Criminal Code and the Department of Justice Act and to make consequential amendments to another act.

Bill C-51 seeks to make changes to a number of matters within the context of this one bill. This justice omnibus bill seeks to amend or remove or repeal passages and provisions that have been ruled unconstitutional or that raise risks with respect to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as well as passages and provisions that are obsolete or redundant or no longer have a place in the Criminal Code. I would suggest that this seems fairly subjective to the government's agenda when we are saying “no longer have a place in the Criminal Code” at this point in time.

It would also modify certain provisions of the Criminal Code relating to sexual assault in order to clarify their application and provide a procedure applicable to the admissibility and use of the complainant's or a witness's record when in the possession of the accused.

It would also require, for any bill tabled in either the House of Commons or the Senate, a charter statement outlining each bill's potential effects on the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

The government House leader has called for major reforms on the introduction of omnibus bills by government, yet here we have the justice minister introducing just that.

The portion that clarifies and strengthens the sexual assault provisions in the Criminal Code, helping to support victims of horrific sexual assault crimes, is certainly the right thing to do. I am very pleased with that portion of this bill. Unfortunately, it puts many of us in an angst situation, because although we support that portion of the bill, other sections make it very difficult to support the rest.

This provision is victim-centric. That portion of the bill is good. It is sensible and reasonable, and it is certainly appropriate.

It is unfortunate that Bill C-51 is attempting to require a charter statement for all future government justice legislation. This would be a redundant process that is not necessary.

The Charter of Rights and Freedoms has been in force for 35 years now. Many governments, both Liberal and Conservative, have introduced justice legislation without a charter statement. To require charter statements on all new bills would not, nor should it, pre-empt controversial legislation from being challenged in our courts by groups and everyday citizens. After all, it is the responsibility of legislators to create law, the courts to interpret law, and the right of Canadians to challenge that law.

The Liberals were very supportive of Motion No. 103, which protects Muslims from an undefined term, “Islamophobia”, yet Bill C-51 proposes to remove the only provision in the Criminal Code that protects all religious communities and all religious officials. I am very concerned that the government has decided to remove section 176, which specifically states:

(1) Every one who

(a) by threats or force, unlawfully obstructs or prevents or endeavours to obstruct or prevent a clergyman or minister from celebrating divine service or performing any other function in connection with this calling, or

(b) knowing that a clergyman or minister is about to perform, is on his way to perform or is returning from the performance of any of the duties or functions mentioned in paragraph (a)

(i) assaults or offers any violence to him, or

(ii) arrests him on a civil process, or under the pretence of executing a civil process

is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years.

(2) Every one who wilfully disturbs or interrupts an assemblage of persons met for religious worship or for a moral, social or benevolent purpose is guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction.

(3) Every one who, at or near a meeting referred to in subsection (2), wilfully does anything that disturbs the order or solemnity of the meeting is guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction.

This section protects the rights of religious clergy and their members to practise their faith at an event or ceremony in safety without interference or disruption.

Last evening, I attended the sixth annual Iftar dinner at Ottawa City Hall, hosted by the Progressive Muslims of Canada. President Mobeen, whom I met at an Embassy Connections Canada event earlier on, kindly invited me, and I was really pleased to attend.

I am a Christian, not a Muslim. My faith does not celebrate Ramadan or Iftar dinners. However, we do fast and pray, gather together for mutual encouragement, teaching, worshipping, prayer, and meeting the needs of those who are marginalized or hurting in our midst, our communities, and the world.

My question is this. Why would the government want to remove a piece of legislation that speaks to all faiths' right to the freedom to worship and to gather without fear of reprisal? Why would the Minister of Justice want to take away legislation that affirms the safety of all clergy and protects from the disturbance those who gather in mosques, gurdwaras, synagogues, sweat lodges, churches, schools, homes, camps, cemeteries, prayer rooms, and chapels in hospitals, and in public spaces, like Ottawa City Hall, and want to replace it with a singularly focused no trespassing at night law?

I cannot fathom the rationale behind this decision. It makes no sense to me. Have the Liberals consulted their constituents, the faith communities in their ridings, to hear what their feelings are on removing section 176 from the Canadian Criminal Code?

I am very confident that this is not what Canadians or landed immigrants in our country expect from the government. This should not be part of Bill C-51. It should be removed. That being said, to make sure that I am not just expressing my own views, I will be sharing this with faith leaders in my communities and through social media, and I will make them aware of what this section says and what the government is expecting to do. I will ensure that they have every opportunity to express their concerns over what I see as a dangerous and dismissive decision to remove section 176 through Bill C-51. I will be encouraging them to contact directly the Minister of Justice.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:10 p.m.
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Liberal

Chris Bittle Liberal St. Catharines, ON

Madam Speaker, the hon. member is going to mention to clergy in her community the repeal of this section. Is she also going to mention that there are already offences related to all of these things, such as causing a disturbance, hate crimes, assault, uttering threats, and intimidation? Section 175 covers impeding or molesting other persons and causing a disturbance; section 264, uttering threats; section 423, intimidation; and section 319, public incitement of hatred.

Would she not agree that it is not necessary to create a specific offence for a clergyman when other offences of general application apply to not only clergymen but everyone in our community?

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:10 p.m.
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Conservative

Cathay Wagantall Conservative Yorkton—Melville, SK

Madam Speaker, I am so pleased that the member has asked that question because what I am hearing from the member is doublespeak. We cannot have it both ways. That very argument was specifically used for why we did not need Motion No. 103, because so many of these things are already covered in our laws.

However, I want to express that this particular section was actually used recently, on June 9, in a criminal case here in Ottawa. It has been applied.

“Sins” are the term we use in my faith to represent that one has missed the mark in some way. There are sins of commission and there are sins of omission: things that one should not do that one has, and things that one should have done but did not.

This would be a sin of omission in my books because we are removing something that speaks very strongly to Canada's values and democracy, of which we are celebrating 150 years, and it is a statement within our Criminal Code. We value those who lead religious communities, their facilities, and their right to share their faith in the public square, just as we did with the Muslim community in Ottawa City Hall last night.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:15 p.m.
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NDP

Rachel Blaney NDP North Island—Powell River, BC

Madam Speaker, one of the things that we know is true in the House is that there are significant court delays that have had very tremendous ramifications in this country.

We also know that for decades now the justice system has not received the amount of resources that it needs. That is under both Liberal and Conservative governments. I am just wondering if the member could talk to us a little about what the ramifications would be and what the ramifications are of simply not having enough resources in our justice system?

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:15 p.m.
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Conservative

Cathay Wagantall Conservative Yorkton—Melville, SK

Madam Speaker, I am not quite sure how the question applies to the topic here.

We know that the government is behind in appointing judges. I think that is a big concern for all of us, because there are criminals being freed when they should not be. However, my focus here tonight is on the fact that we have a section of the Criminal Code that is significant in stating a value in Canada. It is the only part of the Criminal Code that specifically protects religious leaders and religious communities, all religious faiths in our country. To remove it would be inappropriate, and I believe would cause a great disservice to protecting those in our country who have faith values.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:15 p.m.
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Conservative

Tom Kmiec Conservative Calgary Shepard, AB

Madam Speaker, earlier this session, and I think it was just a month ago, this Parliament passed Bill C-305, which actually increased penalties for vandalism motivated by hate of sacred property and property used by religious institutions. We already had provisions that covered it, but we felt that even more protection, a special protection, was needed from that particular crime.

I think that is the same point my colleague, the member for Yorkton—Melville was trying to make, that section 176 offers an extra protection for members of the clergy and spiritual leaders. I would just like the member to expand on that. Could the member give us a further explanation on the comparison of Bill C-305 and the provision of Bill C-51 on—

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:15 p.m.
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NDP

The Assistant Deputy Speaker NDP Carol Hughes

We have to give the member a chance to answer. She only has 10 seconds.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

June 15th, 2017 / 7:15 p.m.
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Conservative

Cathay Wagantall Conservative Yorkton—Melville, SK

Madam Speaker, that is actually a very good example of why this needs to stay in our Criminal Code.