The Public Affairs Association of Canada is a national not-for-profit organization founded in 1984. PAAC's growing membership represents a cross-section of the many disciplines involved in public affairs, including policy development, government relations, communications, opinion research, and public relations. I want to say first and foremost that the Public Affairs Association of Canada supports the spirit of the Federal Accountability Act because it's all about transparency and accountability, which are cornerstones of ethical behaviour.
Our association recently developed a statement of ethical principles for our members, because we stand in favour of ethical conduct in all facets of our work. So yes, we support the spirit of the legislation, yet we would like to offer constructive suggestions concerning the letter of it.
Lobbying--or government relations, as we prefer to call it--is not the unsavoury activity that many in the news media have made it out to be, any more than politicians are as villainous as the press often imply. Government relations specialists are not just hired consultants, and they don't just work for large wealthy corporations. GR people are vital for not-for-profit organizations as well, and to help volunteer advocates in grassroots organizations present their cases to government.
It is important to bear in mind that government can be complex to the point of confusion to those not experienced in its workings. That is why it takes a seasoned professional to present a case to government in the course of public policy development.
Most people accept that those who present a legal case before a court need the services of a lawyer. They should not try to do it themselves. Similarly, making a case before government for non-profits and grassroots organizations, as much as for big companies, also requires professional expertise. This expertise should be facilitated for such organizations, not denied them.
Certainly our ethical elected officials want to, and should, listen to both sides of an argument prior to crafting public policy. That is why we're here today. And since public officials cannot be experts in all fields, listening to professionally prepared presentations on all sides is vitally important if public policy is to truly reflect public interests.
With these things in mind, I must draw the committee's attention to a few areas of concern we have with the legislation in its present form. Some of its provisions, intended to enhance transparency, in fact create unintended problems.
Consider the additional filing requirements for people lobbying government. They would have to file on a monthly basis the names of senior public officials with whom they met, the date of the communication or meeting, and many other particulars. By taking transparency to this extreme, the legislation will impose a competitive disadvantage on some organizations due to the high cost of hiring administrative people to deal with this. Worse still, it might encourage some people to try to circumvent an onerous process and thus create an atmosphere of disrespect for the law.
If the Commissioner of Lobbying is to contact present or former senior public office-holders to verify the information provided, and then post these responses on its public Internet-based registry, the result is a similar set of unintended problems. The reason is that it makes the process cumbersome for staff who would have to follow the same process as lobbyists just in case they're asked for information, even though technically they don't have to file information as lobbyists do.
Again, this creates an unintended and onerous burden of administration and time. This may be burdensome to the large and wealthy corporations often associated in the public mind with lobbying, but to grassroots advocacy it will be destructive and debilitating. Grassroots advocacy, by its nature, is the communication between individuals and their elected officials. In particular, volunteer advocates for not-for-profit organizations, such as ones focused on medical research, could be driven away from this socially useful work, fearing that these sweeping regulations will make lawbreakers of them.
The new filing requirements represent the first of two main pitfalls we see in the legislation. The second concern is well-intentioned but potentially harmful restrictions on who may work in government relations. As it stands, the legislation says that no individual shall work in GR during a period of five years after the day on which that person ceases to hold a senior public office.
To newspaper readers eager to believe that recent government office-holders would wield some kind of unfair advantage, this sounds good. To people familiar with the making of good public policy, alarm bells should ring.
The reason for this is that to work effectively in GR requires familiarity with the public policy process. Again, the valid comparison is with the work of lawyers: not just anyone is qualified to argue a case before a court. To forbid those who recently graduated from public service from using their fresh skills in GR for five years is akin to preventing new law school graduates from practising law for five years.
At one level, it can only ensure that fresh skills become stale before they can be put to use. Yet there is a more important argument against this provision. Government relations work is a career that many good people work toward. By telling dedicated and skilled people that government service will disqualify them from that work for five years, the prime accomplishment will be to steer them away from government service, which cannot be good for government itself or the public interest in general.
Ladies and gentlemen, in both of these areas of concern, onerous filing requirements and the five-year prohibition after government service can be addressed without altering the legislation's prime goal of increasing accountability and transparency. The guiding principle is simply that if something is not really broken, it need not be fixed. Filing requirements should not be changed in order to alleviate public fears of secret lobbying, fears that are unfounded. Nor can anyone expect the five-year restriction on lobbying to serve the development of good public policy, when it will only discourage participation by the very people who have the most to contribute.
If there is to be a restriction on lobbying after government service, it makes sense only with regard to the files a person worked on while in government, or perhaps to the specific ministry in which she or he worked. Better still would be to preserve the current requirements in both these areas for the sake of facilitating, rather than hindering, the work of grassroots advocates and for the sake of encouraging the recruitment of good people to government service.
Thank you for listening.