I'm concerned by some comments made earlier that since there haven't been many instances of a problem under section 463, there is therefore nothing to be concerned about. As far as that goes, that's true. Again, some may feel I'm overstating the case, but I would like members of this committee to consider what their reaction would be to this bill, and I'm going through a hypothetical just because I don't want to get into the debate about this bill. If the bill had a provision that no private member could introduce a private member's bill without first having confirmation from the parliamentary budget officer that the bill would not require the spending of any public funds, I can assure you that would stop dead in their tracks a certain number of private members' bills. It would give to an appointed officer the ability to stop a member of Parliament from getting a private member's bill onto the floor of the House for debate.
You might say it's one of the sacrosanct rights and privileges of a member of Parliament to propose to the House what he or she thinks is worthy of consideration by the House. Such a provision would give to an appointed official the ability to say “You're not going anywhere; that bill's not going to get into the House.” I would think private members would be concerned about this.
On the other side, suppose amendments were made to this bill, in the interest of accountability, conflict of interest, and transparency, that require that 24 hours before the start of a cabinet meeting the agenda of the items that are going to be discussed at the cabinet meeting be posted on the Government of Canada's website, and that 24 hours after the cabinet meeting that agenda must be modified to indicate if there were any additional items taken up at that cabinet meeting. It also must be provided who attended the meeting, who didn't, so that there could be information provided to the Ethics Commissioner about a possible conflict. Understandably, I would fully support opposition to such suggestions relative to the constitutional convention of cabinet confidentiality. But you can see how you start to slide down the road when you start setting aside well-established principles respecting the autonomy and the independence of the executive branch and the legislative branch. These may be relatively minor, although arguably they're more major than the one that you don't sit if you don't file a form with the electoral officer. These might not be so dramatic today, although in some cases I think they are, but they could get more dramatic later.
The examples I've given you are examples of very serious suggestions, and I would hope the government would oppose any amendment of the kind I'm suggesting relative to the cabinet. I would hope no one would have the idea of limiting a member's right to introduce a private member's bills to what some appointed official says about it.
I would also like to point out as a point of information that—it came up in the House again today, and it may have come up on an earlier occasion too, that the Minister of Justice under the Department of Justice Act is bound to examine all legislation for its constitutionality before it comes to the House. I was surprised when I heard that, so I went to the act. Now it's not beyond me to take the wrong act down from the shelf, but I went to the act, and what's required is that the Minister of Justice satisfies himself or herself that a bill the government's going to propose is not inconsistent with the provisions and purposes of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which is only part of the Constitution of Canada. I'm unable to find in the act any obligation on the part of the minister that he must satisfy himself that the act meets all constitutional requirements.
The minister in this case may have done that, I don't know. That's not my business. I thought I would correct the point that was made that the bill wouldn't be here if there were constitutional problems in the mind of the minister. One might accept there aren't any charter problems in the mind of the minister, but under section 4.1 of the Department of Justice Act, it's limited to that.
I would like to close by saying, Mr. Chairman, that I had a lot of trouble determining what it is I should or should not do in the circumstances. I felt obliged that something had to be done because I had the feeling that if nothing was done there might be some unfortunate provisions go into statute law, the kinds of things that my office is spending time in court trying to get the House out from under. So I gave some thought to it. I was not invited to testify before this committee, so I did not think it appropriate that I should walk into the committee meeting and say, hey you, listen to this.
You may not be aware, but Standing Order 13 deals with the question of privileges of the House and where those privileges might be adversely affected by something presented to the House. It obliges the Speaker, whenever he is of the opinion that a motion offered is contrary to the rules, the privileges of Parliament, that he should apprise the House thereof. So I decided, in the spirit of Standing Order 13, that I'd do a report and deliver it to the Speaker, which is what I did. The Speaker then authorized me to bring the report to this committee, and that's when I arrived on May 31. I was dancing as fast as I could to keep ahead of the movement of this committee, as things were moving along fairly well, but fortunately I arrived before it did.
The authorization of the Speaker is not to be taken as any concurrence on his part as to the content of that report. I've had no comment from the Speaker regarding that report. He may agree with some of it; he may not agree with other parts. But I came here with the authorization of the Speaker in the spirit of Standing Order 13.
When I recognized that I might be doing this some weeks ago, I spoke with Mr. Gibson, your executive assistant, on your behalf, to advise him that I was doing this and that I did not know whether it would in fact result in a report coming to this committee; later, as it turned out, it did. I apologize to the committee, to the extent that it arrived and came as a bit of a rude surprise to some that a report was arriving unasked for, as it were. But I honestly felt that as the law clerk of the House of Commons, its committees, and members of Parliament, I was duty bound to do this as a lawyer—experienced now for over 30 years in the field. You don't sit on your hands when you see something happening that may be adverse to your client's interests; you have to intervene and tell the client what's coming down. I've done that.
I don't expect any particular action by the committee. The committee can decide for itself what it thinks is appropriate, and it would do so fully within its prerogatives as a committee of the House. But I felt that I had to deliver what I did deliver to the committee. I hope the committee members do find it useful, and I certainly did not want to impair or interfere in the processes of this committee, or in any way appear to overreach my responsibilities as law clerk. I hope that in the minds of members of this committee, you don't feel I have done so.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.