Thank you for listening to my testimony.
I am briefly going to outline a few basic principles of copyright. First, I remind you that copyright is the main piece of legislation designed to give economic value to the work of authors, performers and their talent, as well as to the investment of producers, broadcasters, publishers and so on.
In my view, this bill clearly dilutes the economic value of the work and of this entire chain of stakeholders. It places us before a legal puzzle—and I am weighing my words here—as a result of which producers, broadcasters, service providers, educational institutions and users reduce the position of the author and rights holder, particularly as a result of the increase in the number of exemptions, which are not associated with compensation. Even though you know this, I consider it a good idea to remind you that copyright is based on a simple principle. It is a right of ownership that has been recognized for hundreds of years and that confers the power to grant permission. The author gives his permission because there is a right of ownership at the outset. The issue behind that is the acknowledgement that a work has an economic value.
Copyright has always been built on this model, on this economic exchange. The incomes of authors are sporadic, and this is what is being jeopardized by this bill. The rise of new technologies can obviously change the situation somewhat. This is a culture in which works are accumulated and are free of charge, in some cases. And yet there are no studies showing that, with the Internet, consumers are being deprived of works and are becoming acculturated. On the contrary, we realize that legal purchases are increasingly being made. So we see that the Internet is not a kind of lawless area where everything is permitted, but that, on the contrary, the law and its rules are firmly established there. With these new technologies, copyright can absolutely transpose the rules that prevailed in the 20th century. The Internet has not changed the basis of copyright.
I believe it is important to focus on the bases of copyright. And one of those bases is collective management. It is the natural economic relay of this model of exchange between authors and users which has been applied for nearly a century, since the 1930s in Canada. This is what simplifies the exchange. It is the equation between access to a work and compensation for the author. We even see that, in France, agreements have been signed quite recently between YouTube, Dailymotion and the collective societies. This clearly shows that, if we leave the rights to the authors, the users and user networks will necessarily negotiate with them. Access will not be cut off. In France, everyone has access to YouTube and can post works there, but authors are compensated under that model. People don't realize that this economic model is viable and functional. I believe it is important to emphasize that point. We must preserve and even reinforce this economic model.
Bill C-32—and a number of people have had occasion to say this—is becoming much too complex, in my view. I was hoping that this bill would help clean up the situation, but I see that, on the contrary, it is contributing to a certain amount of disorder. The act is becoming opaque, and Parliament curiously is extremely interventionist. It is quite curious to see that it is interventionist in this very specific economic sector, whereas it is much less so in most other sectors. You all know the requirement in a democracy that an act must be clear and well understood in order to be complied with. In this instance, that is not necessarily the case.
I would like to draw your attention to one effect, an instance of confusion in the act, and to the extent of the exemptions it provides for. Subsection 38.1(2) of the current Copyright Act provides as follows:
(2) Where a copyright owner has made an election under subsection (1) and the defendant satisfies the court that the defendant was not aware and had not reasonable grounds to believe that the defendant had infringed copyright, the court may reduce the amount of the award to less than $500, but not less than $200.
In my view, in the current state of the bill, defendants will quite easily be able to say that they thought they were dealing with an exemption, that the bill has become so strange and complicated that they thought, in good faith, that they were entitled to do what they did. Then the judge may perhaps decide to impose a fine not of $15,000, but of $200. This bill will indeed have very concrete effects. Perhaps later we can talk about the three-step test, which is obviously still a problem. I know a number of people have emphasized that fact.
On that point, I would simply add that, when we analyze the economic effects of an act, we don't wonder in each case whether they are significant or not. We examine the whole. If there is a systemic effect, that's where we see that the effect is significant.
In closing, I would say that the bill emphasizes the following right for authors in the visual arts, among other things. This following right is absent for reasons that I am unable to understand. This isn't a measure that is costly for the government, on the contrary. The point is to let people in the sector organize matters amongst themselves.
Thank you.