Maybe I can tackle that one. I want to make a point, though, just about polarization in the United States. There's the potential impact on the Canada-U.S. relationship, the old line that when the United States sneezes, Canada catches a cold. If there's extreme instability south of the border with respect to democratic backsliding, there will be an impact.
The other concern, though, is that if the U.S. is roiling with instability—and the civil war-type scenario, again, I would say is “black swan” and remote—it's going to impact U.S. foreign policy and the U.S.'s ability to operate globally. To confront a China threat and any other threat will potentially be compromised, because they'll be so inward-looking. That would be one of my concerns.
With respect to polarization in Canada, Thomas and I are actually working on a paper right now on domestic violent extremism. We see this as an emerging threat. A lot of it's coming out in the convoy discussions, etc.
One of my concerns with respect to China is just in terms of resources, to be perfectly honest with you, because our intelligence agencies and national security agencies dealing with domestic violent extremism.... The director of CSIS will tell you that's an emerging threat and something we have to pay a lot more attention to, but we have limited resources.
Again, it's a bit like I was saying with respect to the U.S. If, suddenly, domestic violent extremism becomes the number one priority of our national security agencies, how are we going to operate globally and how are we going to confront the China threat?
There are lots of other dimensions to it as well, and I don't have time to get into them, but the limited resources we have to deal with the spectrum of threats out there right now would be something that would jump out at me.