I'll start as soon as the interruptions stop, Mr. Chair.
Clause 24 actually changes the scope of what we're talking about quite a bit, Mr. Chair. On the surface of it, actually, clauses 24 and 25, because they're so intertwined, on first blush would look like important clauses to put in. I know that certainly from my perspective, as a Conservative, whistleblower protection is very important. It's critical to bringing transparency and accountability to governments and to all parties involved.
However, I think because of our process I have to speak specifically to clause 24. Because clause 24 is so small, it actually brings into question the scope of and circumscribes the powers in clause 25. I can't really speak about clause 24 without speaking about clause 25. I hope that Mr. Bigras will at least grant me that, when he won't grant me a chance to speak about clause 23. This brings into question clause 25:
Section 25 applies in respect of employees who are employed on or in connection with the operation of any federal source or federal work or undertaking and in respect of the employers of all such employees in their relations with those employees.
This clause doesn't make any sense, of course, unless you go over and read the first part of clause 25. In the very first section, subclause 25(1) says that:
Any person may file a written complaint with the Canada Industrial Relations Board alleging that an employer or person acting on behalf of an employer or in a position of authority in respect of an employee of the employer has taken reprisals against an employee on a prohibited ground.
That seems well and good, Mr. Chair. What clause 24 does, as I interpret this particular clause, anyway, is broaden the mandate of the Canada Industrial Relations Board. Now, that brings us to several questions. Right now, my understanding is that the Industrial Relations Board deals specifically with the private sector. It does not include in its scope any ability to deal with the federal service. At least that's my take on what clause 24 would in fact do.
Now, that raises all kinds of alarm bells in my head right away, Mr. Chair. Because the Canada Industrial Relations Board gets its remuneration from the Government of Canada, the taxpayers of Canada, this clause immediately calls into question, in my mind, whether it shouldn't go before the Speaker of the House for a royal recommendation. It would require certain sums of money to be spent on the administration of this bill, should it come to pass.
Notwithstanding that, I want to talk a little bit about the Industrial Relations Board. Notwithstanding that the remuneration and travel and living expenses and compensation for all of the board members, as set out in the charter for the establishment of the Canada Industrial Relations Board, are there, what we're dealing with, specifically, in the Industrial Relations Board, mainly, are negotiations between unions and employers. It brings into question all of the laws this quasi-judicial body has for dealing with conduct between, particularly, union employees and their employers. It would deal with such things as reprisals by employers against said employees.
Clause 24, as I said, would broaden the Industrial Relations Board's jurisdiction to include employees of the federal public service. It would overlap with the jurisdictions of existing tribunals and would basically duplicate current protections against those reprisals, thus creating uncertainty and the likelihood of further litigation. The part I'm speaking to, of course, is the whistleblower protection in clauses 24 and 25. Hypothetically, down the road, if this bill should come to pass, because the mandate of the Canada Industrial Relations Board, as now set out through this act, has been broadened, would the current composition and the current appointments, meaning the directorship and the adjudicating body of the Industrial Relations Board, make sense? Or should that be revamped in light of the changes being proposed by this particular legislation?
Also, it overlaps with legislation that's already in place that protects federal public servants, such as the Public Servants Disclosure Protection Act and the quasi-judicial body set up within that and also with various sections of the Criminal Code that deal with reprisals from employers against employees.
Clause 24 coupled with clause 25 would basically change the jurisdiction of and the matters that can be considered by the Industrial Relations Board. They would broaden their mandate without actually changing the Industrial Relations Board's ability to get the right people in place to deal with the issues brought about by this legislation.
The Industrial Relations Board currently has jurisdiction over certain labour relations issues concerning employees who are employed on or in connection with the operation of any federal work, undertaking, or business, as defined in the Canada Labour Code.
The Canada Labour Code, Mr. Chair, applies to about 800,000 Canadians right now. Of course that would be any operating pan-Canadian or multinational organizations, if they were engaged in anything to do with the federal government.
The board currently has no jurisdiction over employees of a federal source, which is defined by the bill as:
(a) a department of the Government of Canada; (b) an agency of the Government of Canada or other body established by or under an Act of Parliament that is ultimately accountable through a minister of the Crown in right of Canada to Parliament for the conduct of its affairs; or (c) a Crown corporation as defined in subsection 83(1) of the Financial Administration Act.
Therefore, Mr. Chair, the inclusion or the wording of this legislation is so broad and so encompassing that not only do I think it might not pass the test of a royal recommendation, but it is broadening the jurisdiction of the Canadian Industrial Relations Board.
I don't know whether Ms. Duncan is trying to do this intentionally through her legislation or if it's a slip-up or it just wasn't looked at as thoroughly.
I have many more comments to make on this. But because we're dealing specifically with clause 24, this is the crux of the problem with clause 24, and unless I'm misinterpreting this, I don't think this is something that we on the Conservative side can support.