Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Greeting to the committee members. I am very pleased and honoured to be speaking to you today from Vancouver.
I shall spare you my French language skills, of which I sadly have almost none—although I am trying to change that.
I am the author of the book Fallen Behind: Canada’s Access to Information Act in the World Context. I believe the clerk has distributed a four-page summary of the report to you, and I have also posted a French translation of it to my FOI website. I hope you may find it to be a useful guide in formulating questions.
The report and the summary largely speak for themselves, yet there are some additional points I wish to advance.
Last week the Information Commissioner spoke to you on the need to align our ATI Act with more progressive regimes, both nationally and internationally. As he said, Canadians expect a common set of access rights across jurisdictions. Indeed, that is so. The commissioner's 12 recommendations are worthwhile, but we need to go much further.
I support the passage of either of the two private members' ATI reform bills of 2008, both of which were based on Mr. Reid's open government act, but with the crucial addition of full order-making powers for record release.
Why this report, Fallen Behind? Most of the discussion on reform of the ATI Act had become too narrowly focused and circuitous, so I wished to consider another viewpoint on the matter. We need, instead, to continuously reconsider and reform the ATI Act in the light of changing international and historical contexts. This approach could profoundly and positively alter what Canadians come to expect, and perhaps even demand, of their own rights to information.
Most relevant here is the 1999 document entitled The Public's Right to Know: Principles on Freedom of Information Legislation, which describes the generally accepted international FOI standards. These principles were drafted by Toby Mendel, head of the law program of the London-based human rights organization ARTICLE 19, and were then endorsed by the United Nations.
When reading this document I was startled and then deeply troubled to discover that Canada's ATI Act, even the most recent amended version, fails the principles on 12 points. Ironically, as the world moves forward, Canada appears to be marching in the opposite direction.
I then found other organizations with similar standards, such as the Commonwealth Secretariat and the Council of Europe.
I compiled and cross-referenced every relevant document I could find; that is, the text of 68 national FOI laws, 29 draft FOI bills, 12 Canadian provincial and territorial FOI laws, and the commentaries of 14 global and 17 Canadian non-governmental organizations. I compared all of these with the current ATI Act and the Prime Minister's eight unfulfilled ATI Act reform promises of 2006. The key topics I entered into a comparative FOI Excel spreadsheet to create the “World FOI Chart”, which is this report's foundation. You can read the chart on my website.
Most Commonwealth nations have moved far ahead of Canada, even the United Kingdom, ironically, which is Canada's model for parliamentary secrecy, and which passed an FOI law nearly two decades after we did. Canadian bureaucrats, to deter ATI reform, still invoke the great tradition of Westminster-style confidentiality. If so, how do they explain why the U.K.'s Freedom of Information Act 2000 grants the information commissioner there the power to order record release, contains a broader public interest override and a harms test for policy advice, and covers a vastly wider range of quasi-governmental entities, all of these features lacking from our ATI Act?
The best Commonwealth examples for Canada to follow for inspiration are, I believe, the access laws of India and South Africa, in most, but not all, of their respects.
In the preface to my report, Mr. Mendel wrote:
the Access to Information Act and its implementation in practice are in urgent need of reform. Otherwise, Canada’s international reputation as a country with a strong commitment to participation and human rights...[is] at risk.
The incentive for transparency cannot succeed without direction from the top. Yet in this country, one cannot recall any sitting prime minister speaking out on the value of an FOI law since the short reign of Joe Clark in 1979. By contrast, U.S. President Barack Obama, on his very first day in office, issued an executive order to reverse the default secrecy position of his predecessor. The new president very sensibly wrote:
All agencies should adopt a presumption in favour of disclosure, in order to renew their commitment to the principles embodied in FOIA, and to usher in a new era of open Government.
The required action in Canada is simple: the Prime Minister needs to enact the eight promises on ATI Act reform that he raised in the 2006 election campaign. If fulfilled, these would raise Canada up to global standards, mainly.
I believed in the sincerity of these ATI reform pledges, and I was chastised by others as naive. Yet just after the Conservatives were elected, many observers were truly shocked to see the new prime minister so sharply reverse his previous position on transparency.
Of the eight promises, this government is very proud that half of one of them was kept--that is, the addition of crown corporations and several foundations to the act's coverage. But the other seven and a half pledges were not kept in Bill C-2, the Federal Accountability Act. ATI reform has been exiled yet again to the graveyard of needless study, and that is how the matter stands in Canada today. Additional study is not required. When the wheel works well elsewhere in the world, there is no need to reinvent the wheel here.
To be fair to all, every party has at one time or another pledged to implement open government, yet none has fully delivered. I was also disappointed that, unlike the Conservatives, the Liberals made no mention at all of ATI reform in their 2006 election platform. We still await a detailed policy statement on the ATI Act from the current Liberal Party leader.
Historically, and around the world, unelected senior bureaucrats and crown lawyers have often staunchly opposed the passage of effective FOI laws, by warning ministers of speculative and illusory harms that could occur from their supporting greater transparency. By “bureaucrats”, I mean those at the senior policy-making level, not the operational level. Such, indeed, would be an example of the tail wagging the dog.
Does the Canadian bureaucracy still expect us to believe that the other nations of the world, and our provinces, have all done it wrong with their FOI laws, and that Ottawa alone, with its 25-year-old ATI Act, has done it right? The justice department's 2005 discussion paper states: “...there is nothing seriously wrong with the Access to Information Act as it is today”.
This claim has very little connection with the current global reality, and it is simply incorrect. In their view, apparently, our current ATI Act, with its exemptions, and its lack of a harms test, or a general public interest override, a lack of order power, and year-long response delays, is working quite well and should not be changed. Yet is it acceptable to them that more than 100 such quasi-governmental entities are still not covered by the ATI Act, including Canadian Blood Services and the Nuclear Waste Management Organization, whose exclusion could result in harm to public health and safety? Is it acceptable to them that two weeks for an FOI response is the global legal standard, and that in Canada some agencies grant themselves a 240-day extension, which is three times the previous average? In reply to my last ATI request, it took an incredible nine months to obtain 20-year-old cabinet meeting minutes.
Instead, I ask them to act in the original spirit of the law and to help parliamentarians raise our ATI Act fully up to world standards. To do otherwise is to place Canada's cherished global reputation for democracy and human rights at serious risk.
Times have indeed changed much since 1982, and our best hope is that a strong bureaucratic support for major reform will be seen in the government's next ATI Act discussion paper. One also hopes that the current committee membership will sustain the full reform drive of the former committee. In its report of November 15, 2005, the committee stated:
This Committee believes that after almost 20 years of pressure for its reform, there can be no further delay in the modernization and overhaul of the Access to Information Act.
As well, Maclean's magazine reported that Conservative MP Mike Wallace wrote to the justice minister on June 22, 2007, on his own behalf and that of three other Conservatives on the ethics committee, pressing for decisive action—nothing short of legislation—the next fall, to strengthen the ATI Act according to the party's 2006 campaign pledges. Such efforts would be most welcome again today.
In sum, it is important to recall that freedom of information is a subject that ideally transcends political parties and ideologies, and that any party in government today could be in opposition tomorrow—itself trying to use the act effectively, as it has so often done before. I ask all MPs to work together on needed reforms, with the goal of strengthening our democracy and creating a lasting legacy for their constituents.
On this issue indeed, the committee might even adopt the U.S. President's motto of “yes, we can”.
Thank you.