This is a very good question, and I can give you very concrete examples.
I was telling you that 40% of our files deal with administrative matters. If you're able to just say to the institution that they shall disclose the information by this date, it's a lot more efficient than having to do an investigation.
By the way, the Federal Court of Appeal case for the 1,110-day extension is not because we didn't try to mediate that with the department. We tried extensively to mediate. We could not get the department to agree to a date for disclosure, and it had to go all the way to the Federal Court of Appeal.
In an order-making model, that would have been settled within days. We would have looked at the situation, looked at how many records were involved, looked at the necessary consultations, and if we could not come to an agreement with the institution, we would have just ordered disclosure by a certain date.
This is what happens in Ontario, for example. If you speak to my colleague in Ontario, you will find that they don't have issues with delays, because the institutions know.... It's a reasonable mediation process once the institution is in default. It does happen. It will continue to happen. But the institution comes to the oversight body and there's a conversation about when this information can be disclosed, and then there is a decision that's made and the information is disclosed. That's the first step. It really solves a lot of those issues. That's one thing.
The other aspect of real efficiencies in an order-making model is the mediation aspect, and that is key. Right now when we investigate refusals to disclose information, we try to mediate. However, you have to understand that in an ombudsman's model, it's the same body that mediates or tries to negotiate something as makes the decision at the end, or the recommendations. There's no real mediation privilege around that discussion.
You will also find with my colleagues who have the order-making model that the mediation component is a lot more effective, for two reasons. One, you can have mediation privilege, i.e., if you don't agree, there's a separate adjudicative process, with separate parties. In our ombudsman's model now, we do try to negotiate, but there's no real protection or privilege for that conversation.
In an order-making model, if you don't mediate, then it goes to adjudication. That's a lot more costly. It's a lot more time-consuming. The last efficiency is that the institution has the burden to give all of its representations to justify the non-disclosure at that time.
In an ombudsman's model, if they want to give us not very strong representations, they know that ultimately I'll have to take it to court. If the government does not want to disclose, the incentive in an ombudsman's model is to not do a very solid job to justify non-disclosure, but in an order-making model, that incentive is completely reversed and the burden is truly where it should lie.
These are the three huge differences in efficiency components to that model, which are truly in sync with the quasi-constitutional right of access.