Thank you very much.
My name's Mike Larsen. I'm the president of BC FIPA and a faculty member in the criminology department at Kwantlen Polytechnic University. I'm joining you from my office here on the unceded territories of the Coast Salish peoples.
I'm grateful to the members of the committee for inviting us to speak with you again after our first presentation in the fall. I'm grateful for participating in the study of Canada's access to information and privacy systems. This is really important work, and we commend the committee for giving it sustained attention.
When I appeared before the committee in the fall of 2022, I provided an overview of the features of a strong and effective access to information system for Canada. I also provided a written brief, focusing on eight key areas to reform the ATIA.
Since that time, the Treasury Board presented its “Access to Information Review Report to Parliament”, covering many areas for possible reform and further study. I'll focus my remarks today on just a couple of themes that warrant emphasis.
The report addresses the importance of a professional framework for ATIP staff. We call for investment in a culture of access and note this requires adequate training and resourcing and a real commitment to transparency at the leadership level. That includes a consideration of how government responds to the work of this committee and to the Treasury Board report.
Senior officials, elected representatives and cabinet set the tone. When the release of information is selective and strategic, shaped by political considerations, or when witness after witness, commissioner after commissioner and committee after committee describe the ATI system as broken, fallen behind or dysfunctional, and the response is to leave the official status quo substantively unchanged, this comes across as an endorsement of opacity, not a commitment to transparency.
The TBS report emphasizes the deep connections between trust in public institutions and the transparency of these institutions. From our perspective, this is absolutely foundational. A line in the report that stands out to us is:
Across multiple channels of engagement input into this review, the greatest complaint about the ATI regime is poor compliance with the law.
This is discouraging to read but not unexpected. Focusing on improving compliance, while essential, often leaves us looking backwards, rather than at substantive reforms to the law that are necessary to build a modern access regime that serves the public interest.
What kinds of reforms? The TBS report mentions a number of possibilities. In our review, there are some serious priorities.
First is creating a legislated duty to document to ensure that core decisions are recorded. Second is embedding a strong public interest override in the act. Third is imposing caps on extensions to requests, rather than relying on the open-ended and nebulous reference to extensions for a reasonable time, and requiring commissioner authorization for further extensions. Fourth is shifting the exemption framework to reflect a harms-based approach, rather than categorical or discretionary exemptions based on classes of record types. Fifth, following UNDRIP, is removing barriers to access to information for indigenous communities and moving towards indigenous data sovereignty, particularly as it pertains to records pertinent to specific claims and reconciliation. Sixth, though it was not emphasized by the TBS, is including all entities that deliver public programs or services under the scope of the act, including the PMO and ministers' offices, and ensuring that federal political parties fall under the scope of federal privacy laws, recognizing voters' rights to know about how their personal information is being used. Finally, we have radically revising and limiting the section 69 exclusion of cabinet confidences, shifting it to a limited exemption, subject to review.
How governments approach the matter of cabinet confidences is a bellwether for their general position on transparency. I note that, as we meet today, the Supreme Court of Canada is hearing an important case about whether the mandate letters issued by the Ontario premier to his ministers are subject to disclosure under FOI, or whether they will be withheld as privileged cabinet deliberations. Several provincial attorneys general are intervening in support of an expansive reading of cabinet confidence. BC FIPA is intervening in support of the public's right to transparency.
The case reveals much about how Canadian governments at all levels think about transparency. It's absurd that, in a democracy, documents such as mandate letters, which are essentially the marching orders for elected governments, can be withheld from public scrutiny, yet this may be precisely what cabinet confidence exclusions permit.
These are all core areas for law reform. I really want to emphasize that. The TBS report also discusses administrative supports, the modernization of technology and process, and expanding commitments to open government beyond the auspices of the ATIA. These are all worthy initiatives, but they can't take the place of a modernization of the law that underpins the right of access to information.
We're at a crossroads for transparency in Canada. Trust in public institutions is eroding. FOI regimes are failing to provide the public with timely and complete access to information. Some governments, notably B.C., are actually backsliding by introducing application fees for FOI requests. Information that pertains to the public interest is parked behind broad exemption clauses or the brick wall of cabinet confidence. Our access system often functions as an impediment to reconciliation.
On a hopeful note, and I will conclude here, there's a great deal of consistency in the recommendations for reform that have emerged over the years. Indeed, I would argue there's a clear road map. The question, therefore, is not, “What's to be done?”, but rather, “Will we act?” On behalf of BC FIPA, I hope the answer is yes.
Thank you.