Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
This is just by way of a response to Mr. Duncan. I think one thing that he points out here—it is kind of odd to have the Liberals interject on this, because it was initially the story that came out of the House leader's office, I believe—is that the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner doesn't pre-approve things. I know this from my own experience. Folks offered me a $20 ticket to something in the riding, and I contacted the commissioner's office. It doesn't seem like a big deal. It's a riding event. They are offering to have me come. Could I accept this $20 ticket in order to get into this community event that I've been invited to? I was surprised at the fact that I couldn't get an answer one way or the other. I was happy to follow whatever the direction was, but there was no direction.
I can't imagine that the idea that a trip was pre-approved is true. I know that in my own case, even on something relatively straightforward, it was impossible to get an answer. I'm sharing that information with the committee. I didn't end up going to that particular event, as it happens, but I think it is important that I be able to make those consultations.
I don't think we need to see this documentation to know that the story is not a real story and that the answer proffered by the PMO is not the real answer. What I think matters is whether the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner looks into this. That's what matters. Is the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner going to look into this, and if so, what are the findings of the commissioner? I don't need to see a bunch of documents to know that three different stories out of the PMO in the space of two weeks means that our BS detectors should be firing. Absolutely they should be. It's why we're at this meeting. It's why there will continue to be discussion around this.
Is it ridiculous to have three different answers about the trip come out of government within two weeks? Yes, it is. There's no question. I don't need to order up documents to know that something ain't right with three different responses in two weeks about the same vacation. It's not about whether we get to the bottom of the fact that something isn't right and that the answers coming out of the PMO are not only not consistent but two of them, at least, must not be true. If any one of those three answers is true, the other two aren't. The question comes back to this: Were the rules followed, and are the rules adequate? The person to answer that is the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner, the very person we've already invited.
This isn't about a cover-up. This is about recognizing that.... I appreciate that the Conservatives are saying that this is just one member, it's the leader of government and that's significant, but it is a precedent. They know very well how precedents work in this place. I hear Conservatives speak often about their love of the Westminster parliamentary system and common law and how that works. How that works is that, when you set the precedent of the committee pre-emptively ordering up communications that are supposed to be privileged from an office that is there, as a day-to-day function, to provide advice to members on what would be consistent with the code and what wouldn't, you risk creating a precedent that normalizes that practice. It can have a chilling effect on members' willingness to reach out and contact certain members.
There have been stories about Liberal and Conservative members, for instance, who have rental properties and, particularly in the context of debates about a housing crisis, how appropriate it is to have members who are commercial landlords weighing in on those issues. I respect that they may have gone to the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner to get advice on what their participation in those debates should be, what the appropriateness of those holdings are and how to properly disclose their holdings under those rules. I think it would be problematic if members felt like suddenly, when an issue flares up in the news, those otherwise confidential communications could be ordered up and made public by a parliamentary committee.
I do think it's part of our job to take that seriously. I don't think members who are trying to take that real concern seriously should be dismissed as covering up. There is a way to get the answers to the questions that matter, which are whether the rules were broken and whether they are adequate. Those are very public questions. They don't require us to risk the confidentiality of the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner's office and the culture of confidence in it among members in order to be able to have a fulsome discussion of those important questions: Were the rules broken, and are they adequate?
I obviously don't agree with Mr. Duncan's assessment of my own motives in respect of this. I think there are some very serious reasons for being skeptical of a pre-emptory document request. The person who ought to be investigating this or who has the rightful authority to investigate this is the Conflict of Interest Commissioner. If they're going to investigate this, they have access to those documents. They are aware of those communications.
Without knowing, first, whether the Conflict of Interest Commissioner is going to look into this, I don't think the committee should be ordering up these documents. The person who would investigate this, if they're going to go ahead—and, as I say, we don't know yet whether they are going ahead—would be the person with whom this correspondence happened, so the appropriate person to investigate this will actually have these documents or already has these documents, and I don't think the committee should be ordering them up before we even know whether the Conflict of Interest Commissioner is going to be investigating. That just seems to me to be putting the cart before the horse. It's not a cover-up; it's just being aware of what the appropriate procedures are and then acting in a way that supports them rather than undermining them.