I would put to you an adage of my old football coach: “Chances are, if you have ask, you ought not to be doing it.”
As complicated as things are, the point is that we're in positions of trust to make decisions that could be complicated by externalities, like influence. We're dealing with that right now in a very significant way with foreign interference.
In my mind, there ought to be a way to consider disclosures that might not have the degree of information that you're suggesting but would give the public an understanding of the types of muddied relationships that tend to happen on the Hill. I think about the revolving door that happens between the PMO and lobby groups, and the relationships that happen there. We just referenced sponsored travel.
You know, there's a lot of work at this committee that I don't enjoy. I don't enjoy the political mud-throwing and muckraking that happens here, or the full outrage, quite frankly. I say that because, as much as my Conservative friends want to make this an issue here today, I would put to you that an $80,000 trip is an issue for my constituents in Hamilton Centre, but let's think about Stephen Harper's $45,000 trip to a baseball game and Broadway. These things happen.
My question to the witnesses, through you, Mr. Chair, is this: In relation to substantively changing the code, what would your recommendations be to avoid our having to do this Groundhog Day of scandal—whether it's Liberals, Conservatives or what have you—and finally put an end to it and provide clarity to a code that would provide an equal weight of what is legal and ethical?
I would put to you that the code, as it's written now, provides legal opportunity and legal cover through your advice. It's certainly not ethical, at least not on the face of it.
In your opinion, what are some ways for us to gain some kind of value out of this study, beyond the media circus, and actually improve the legislation?