I think you're absolutely right on both points—and you agreed with me earlier, so now we're even—but one of the reactions in particular to worry about is maybe not just the level of activity. These calculations assume that there's the same level of activity and that you just strip out a cost. There will be a reaction to it, which in many respects should be the point. I mean, the issue should be the externality that comes from that activity.
But the other reaction that concerns us is the practicality of having everybody sign up to the same transaction tax. Because the one reaction you can expect is that the activity will migrate to those jurisdictions that don't track the transactions, so the proceeds will be greatly reduced.
Now, vis-à-vis the incidence, it is likely to fall on the end borrower, very clearly, not just—obviously importantly—individuals who are doing foreign exchange transactions for normal activities, such as going across the border to visit friends and family, but commercial borrowers and households. So it should be passed net through, and with respect to a Tobin tax or a financial transaction tax of the IMF, that is the conclusion; that's the one tax they didn't recommend to the G20 this past weekend.
There is a more general point, though, which is that while we are of the view that higher capital is required for the system, and it is—globally the system was under-capitalized—that capital has to earn a return as well, as you well know, and the effect of higher capital and tighter liquidity standards will be some increase in the cost of capital, not just to the institution itself, but to the end borrowers from those institutions. That can be seen through the longer spectrum of wild swings in the level of capital, huge fiscal costs that are incurred by all of us to address these crisis situations, and a greater level of stability.
Also, finally, speaking to the judgment that in the years just prior to the crisis, the cost of capital or of borrowing, because we had a bubble—