If it's 3% and it's a matter of life or death for them, I'm not sure why the government insists on proceeding with this. The whole point here is that there is no due process as it is understood under the existing PRRA. The United Nations high commissioner's representative's remarks were based on his belief that what is in the proposed legislation includes a so-called enhanced PRRA, with a robust oral hearing and a full appeal. As I have pointed out to you, these are absent in the legislation. At most, they are a proposal of what may be in regulation, but of course with no obligation to do that.
Second, and candidly, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees does admirable, wonderful work in delivering humanitarian protection all over the world. It is less robust in its defences of the legal protections, and particularly in those countries that happen to be [Technical difficulty—Editor] of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The UNHCR [Technical difficulty—Editor] costs money.
Turning to the United States, I've heard this before—the idea of how do we really know what's happening in the United States and that President Trump doesn't control the whole system. I rely, for my information, on what people who are experts in the U.S. immigration and refugee system are saying about what is happening now. They're talking about the way people are being treated by customs and border police, detention practices, what's happening before immigration judges and what's happening all over the system.
If you are interested in knowing what's happening on the ground, not merely what President Trump is pronouncing, then I urge you to seek recourse to those experts. It is not satisfactory to not seek that recourse, not ask the questions, and then say you don't really know what's happening there. If you want to know—