Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I want to thank the finance committee for inviting me to discuss what I believe is one of the most important public policy problems facing Canada today.
First are my disclosures. I don't belong to or donate money to any political party or allow lawn signs during federal, provincial or municipal elections.
Second, I am a tenured professor paid by Carleton, not by business or NGOs or unions. I don't consult. I'm not a lobbyist.
Third, immediately after the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1980 until 2020 with the onset of the pandemic, I taught over 100 times in former centrally planned economies across central-east Europe, Cuba, Iran and China. There were none or only a few private, for-profit corporations and very little competition, only state-owned monopolies, which led to the very low income per capita that characterizes countries that do not have a decentralized market economy with private competitive firms.
It must be stated at the outset that competition policy is a critical part of the policy infrastructure of a national government.
As an NFL junkie since the first Super Bowl in 1967, I deeply understand the need for referees in a football or hockey game, because players cheat. They hook, they spear, they trip, they hold and they grab face masks, and referees must penalize the cheaters. However, the purpose and actions of the referees must never attempt to displace the decision-makers, the coaches or the QB or the CEO, such that they'll start to decide when Patrick Mahomes should throw the ball or Sidney Crosby should shoot the puck.
Referees and competition policy are a means to an end. They are not the end goal or purpose of national public policy. We should not embrace competition policy as an intrinsic end. It is simply a tool to possibly enhance competition.
Why bother? It's because Adam Smith and 250 years of economic theory and practice have taught us that competition between competing firms drives down prices and increases choices. Even more importantly, as Joseph Schumpeter famously taught us, it is the only credible driver of productivity increases in the standard of living. It's the only way that a country can increase its standard of living over time.
Nowadays, the most widely accepted economic approach to competition, I think it's fair to say, is the one proposed by Schumpeter, who defined competition as a dynamic process wherein firms strive to survive under an evolving set of rules that constantly produces winners and losers. Restated, competition is the true regulator of economic activity, while competition policy is a poor, second-best but necessary substitute.
My fear with the proposed and excellent Competition Bureau report, “The Future of Competition Policy”, is the danger that decision-makers in Ottawa now view competition policy policing as the source of competitiveness.
My second fear concerns the belief by, I think, an increasing number of elected officials in Canada that big or large corporations are intrinsically uncompetitive or anti-competitive. This is simply contradicted by the superb research of Statistics Canada, John Baldwin and other researchers that demonstrates that many of our largest corporations achieve much higher rates of total factor productivity.
What must be done?
Unfortunately, few parliamentarians seem to recognize that which is on our nose and indeed created by parliamentarians—not just this Parliament but past Parliaments. Our national and provincial governments have created monopolies and oligopolies across the economy as a matter of public policy. The telecom act prohibits foreign telecom operators—I talk about this in class every week—so that we have exactly three telcos and some of the highest cellphone fees in the world.
We have maybe 2.5 airlines, as the act of Parliament prohibits entry by foreign airlines. Our Bank Act ensures that we have an oligopoly. I worked for nine years in a bank and I have great respect for the banks. However, we have an oligopoly of five or six banks, with a concentration ratio of over 90%. Our supply management laws mostly prohibit foreign dairy entry.
So that I don't just pick on the federal level, the Beer Store in Canada's largest province mostly prohibits competition in corner stores and grocery stores, where it belongs—as does the LCBO.
When we do not create outright monopolies and oligopolies, we create some of the highest regulatory standards in the world, such as in mining, which have driven out capital investment in our country. This has been analyzed empirically and recently by Bill Robson in his excellent article, “Working Harder for Less: More People but Less Capital is No Recipe for Prosperity”.
Our non-residential capital stock per worker is second-lowest in the OECD. Only New Zealand is worse.
Now, let's use plain English as I wrap up.
Capital stock is investment in businesses. We all know that. Investment creates competition. That drives up productivity and drives down prices, so what are we doing in Canada? We are stifling competition in multiple industries by creating oligopolies and monopolies. Pogo warned us, “We have met the enemy and he is us”.
Thank you.