Evidence of meeting #142 for Finance in the 44th Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was budget.

A video is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

Lindsay Gwyer  Director General, Legislation, Tax Legislation Division, Tax Policy Branch, Department of Finance
Peter Repetto  Senior Director, International Tax, Department of Finance
Gervais Coulombe  Acting Director General, Sales Tax Division, Department of Finance
Pierre Leblanc  Director General, Personal Income Tax Division, Tax Policy Branch, Department of Finance
Christopher Bowen  Director General, Benefit Programs Directorate, Assessment, Benefit and Service Branch, Canada Revenue Agency
Adnan Khan  Director General, Business Returns Directorate; Assessment, Benefit and Service Branch, Canada Revenue Agency
Maximilian Baylor  Director General, Business Income Tax Division, Department of Finance
David Messier  Director, International Taxation Section, Business Income Tax Division, Department of Finance
Tyler Minty  Director, Industrial Decarbonisation Taxation, Department of Finance
Priceela Pursun  Director General, International and Large Business Directorate, Compliance Programs Branch, Canada Revenue Agency
Clerk of the Committee  Mr. Alexandre Roger

2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Adam Chambers Conservative Simcoe North, ON

Thank you very much.

Just to make sure we're all keeping relevant, Mr. Carney has been giving some speeches. In fact, when one speech was recently reported, the headline was, “Mark Carney says federal budget not focused enough on growth”.

An article from the fall, from the CBC of all places, had the headline, “Former Bank of Canada governor Carney questions carbon price break on home heating oil”. Mr. Carney said he would do something different. I would like to know, as I'm sure many Canadians would, what that something different is. Those members of the Liberal caucus who have already pledged their support to a leadership contestant in an upcoming leadership race, to be determined, should also want Mr. Carney to face a reasonable amount of scrutiny.

I'll remind the committee that it was a member of this committee who retweeted his speech from just a few weeks ago when he talked about the budget and lack of growth.

I want to do a bit of time travel here. I believe this was in 2021. Mr. Mark Carney was on a famous podcast, The Herle Burly. I have a transcript of that podcast, which our wonderful translators have. We should examine what Mr. Mark Carney had to say about a number of issues. We'll begin.

David Herle said, “Greetings, Herle Burly-ites. We're going to get right to it. It's a two-part pod today, and a very exciting two-part pod it is. First up is Mark Carney. Yep, that Mark Carney. The former governor of the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England, Mark Carney. The Mark Carney who recently spoke at the Liberal convention.”

Mr. Mark Carney has also spoken at Liberal Party conventions—very interesting. I'll go back to the transcript.

He continued, “But I have to ask, how much do you really know about this man? Today we're going to attempt to crack open the Carney. We'll take a deeper dive into his story. Why a young, successful master of the universe guy just quits to become a bureaucrat in the Department of Finance. We'll talk about the thesis of his new book, Value(s): Building a Better World for All, and we're going to try to demystify the link between climate action and finance policy, what that means for Canada, and maybe we'll talk a little bit of budget. Part two of the pod is NSFW, not safe for work. Let's face it: it may not even be safe for you to listen alone on your goddamned AirPods.”

That's just me repeating. I'm not trying to use unparliamentary language, but I'll be more careful, Mr. Chair.

He said, “It's our political panel with Jenni 'accept no [BS]' Byrne and Scott 'I have no need of fancy grooming products' Reid. We'll talk about the continuing Ford fallout in Ontario: Sick Leave? What Sick Leave? The Vance sexual misconduct story—how compelling is this politically? Does it even matter? Trudeau's got his guns out in his vaccine photo op, but he's been tardy on travel bans. We'll chat about that. Plus stick around for our 'HEY YOUs!' this week.

“Mark Carney, I want to welcome you to The Herle Burly. I'm so happy to have you here. I've known you well for about.... I met you 20 years ago. I've known you well for about 10 years, but you've never had enough time on your hands or been unemployed [long] enough to come on this show...so thank you for [coming].”

Mark Carney said, “This is a new low, David. It's a new low.”

David Herle said, “You never thought.... You never thought...oh my God. How are you?”

Mark Carney answered, “I'm all right. I'm good. I'm happy to be here. Good to see you. I've listened to you, but I haven't seen you for a long time, so it's good to see you. You're looking well.”

David Herle said, “Blurry, if well.... Blurry is actually my best look. Yeah, fuzzy. It's an effect I use on the camera.”

There's a little bit of a pause, and then “yeah”.

David Herle asked, “What are you doing for fun? You're in Ottawa. What are you doing for fun?”

Mark Carney said, “Yeah. The city that doesn't wake up”. I'll take a time out. This is a very true story. This is the city that fun forgot. Ottawa is the only city in the entire country that has to hire a night manager to make the city more fun.

I'll go back to the transcript.

Mark Carney said, “What am I doing for fun? I mean, it's tough at the best of times. It's difficult. There's not a lot. You know, we've got.... Two of our kids are here, so we have fun, you know, the sort of family unit. Mealtimes are fun, something to look forward to, you know, to be honest. Look, I'm in a book club. I mean, it's good, man. It's good. We're doing the second loop through, you know, Schitt's Creek and watching a bit of the Oilers”.

I'll pause. I'm also watching the Oilers this year—that's interesting—a perennial Stanley Cup favourite.

I'll go back to the transcript.

He continued, “[We're] on the fringes of.... Like many of us...I'm sleeping at the office sort of thing, so I spend a lot of time staring into this device for various work stuff. There's a bit of fun, but, yeah, I'm ready to be released when we're released.”

I'll pause. He's “ready to be released” when it's time. Maybe now is that time, Mr. Chair.

David Herle said, “I'm sure. Hey, listen. We have a lot of Ontario listeners to this podcast. Would you tell them who, in reality, is the best hockey team in Canada right now?”

Mark Carney answered, “The Edmonton Oilers. I was being interviewed the other day. It was American. It was Bloomberg, I think. It was American. Yeah, and he said, 'You know, this is the year the Leafs are going to win the cup.' And he went on and on, and I was like, what are you talking about? The Oilers are going to win—

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

Joanne Thompson Liberal St. John's East, NL

I have a point of order.

While this is riveting, I don't understand the relevance of the hockey, the importance, to this committee. Could you please move along to whatever point it is that you are making or attempting to make today?

Thank you.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

Thank you, MP Thompson.

MP Chambers, just keep it relevant, and—

2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Marty Morantz Conservative Charleswood—St. James—Assiniboia—Headingley, MB

Mr. Chair, on that point of order....

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

—if you can get to the substance of what you're trying to provide here to the committee....

Go ahead on that point of order, MP Morantz.

2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Marty Morantz Conservative Charleswood—St. James—Assiniboia—Headingley, MB

I think it would be important to mention to Ms. Thompson that she can't give instructions directly to Mr. Chambers. It has to be through the chair.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

That is correct; it has to be through the chair.

Thank you, MP Morantz.

We will go back to MP Chambers.

2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Adam Chambers Conservative Simcoe North, ON

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

I apologize in advance. I didn't write the transcript. This is the transcript of a podcast interview Mr. Carney gave with the famous Liberal strategist David Herle. If we want to learn a bit more about Mark Carney, which is the subject of the subamendment, this is the opportunity to do so. Because I'm feeling somewhat generous, we'll skip a bit of the hockey intro for Ms. Thompson.

We'll get into Mark Carney partway down the second page, where David Herle said, “sports scholarship or academic scholarship?” He's talking about where he went to university.

Mark Carney said, “I went to Harvard and they have financial aid. So you get in or you don't, and it helps if you do other things in getting in, but once you're in they just calculate based on your financial need. So I had financial aid. It wasn't a scholarship per se but some grants, some loans, including some from the Alberta government: the Noble scholarship. I was a Noble scholar. How's that? You can refer to me like that for the rest of the pod: Noble scholar.”

David Herle was laughing: “Noble scholar. Yeah, I'm writing that.”

Mark Carney said, “[I'm running for] the Alberta heritage fund, so I owe.... It's one of the many things I owe Alberta.”

“And Peter Lougheed.”

“Yes, absolutely.”

David Herle said, “So there's something that's inexplicable about you to me and you need to explain it to me. And that is...you're in New York City. You're a master of the universe. You're making scads of money. You're living the glamorous life. This is the 'go, go USA' of Bill Clinton and Bob Rubin in the 1990s, and you're at Goldman. And you quit to come back to be an official in the Department of Finance—not a junior official but not the boss, either—just an official in the Department of Finance. Why did you do that?”

Mark Carney said, “Well, I've always been interested in public policy. I came from, you know... For background, my father was an academic—principally an academic—but he was a deputy minister, for a time, in the Alberta government during the Lougheed years. Al Boomer Adair was his minister, both in northern affairs and parks and recreation—not the sitcom but the very serious department in Alberta—and I'd always been interested. I had done undergrad. I worked for a few years in London and Tokyo. Then I went back and did graduate work in economics, and my intention was to go into something like public policy relatively quickly. As things happened, [I went to] Goldman [and] got a great assignment working with the ANC—the African National Congress—just as Nelson Mandela was coming into government. And we advised them. And so I came and did that. Anyways...blah, blah, blah. It took 10 more years before I executed coming into public policy. And I actually came into, initially, the Bank of Canada, David. I saw an ad in the paper for a deputy governor, and I thought, wait, you know, it's my last chance, or here's a chance, and if I'm really serious about this I should try it. David Dodge took a chance on me, and you know the rest. One thing [leads] to another after that, and I loved every minute of it.”

David Herle said, “Interesting. Okay, so you have in latter years thrown yourself into the climate change file, and you talk a lot about climate change. A big butt-chunk of your book is about climate change. You're involved in a number of initiatives, but I recall from years past, talking to you, that you weren't always as focused on this issue as you are now. Did you have...? Well, I don't want to use, necessarily, Chrystia Freeland's words, but did you have an epiphany of sorts on this, and what was it?”

Mark Carney replied, “No, there's lots of issues. I worked on this issue as a civil servant, particularly when Ralph Goodale was finance minister. There was a climate [plan somehow], but then, you know, obviously, when I was governor of the Bank of Canada, we had the financial crisis and the core work there. Really, where it came to a head was once I was governor of the Bank of England. One of the things.... One of the many things you're responsible for, as the Bank of England, is you oversee the insurance industry, and that means it's the fourth-largest insurance industry in the world. It includes Lloyd's of London, which is this incredible, you know, 300...three-century-plus-old institution that does things like insure hockey players' knees, which they do. But also they are one of the biggest insurers of property in the Gulf of Mexico, you know, and their biggest risk is basically climate change, so they have to be absolutely on top of it and....

He continued, “extreme weather events had tripled in the last few decades. The cost of that had gone up five times. You know, so huge...hundreds of billions of dollars. And that's actually just the insured cost. There's much bigger costs that aren't insured, and it's very obvious that.... Well, I mean, I knew it was happening, but the scale of it happening and the speed with which it was changing becomes present.

“Then, in parallel, and this was about six, seven years ago—six years ago, I guess—I'm asked, because I'm overseeing at the time all the financial reforms post-crisis, something called the financial stability board, so the global reforms for that. I was asked by the G-20 leaders, what's the role of finance, the financial sector, in dealing with climate change? The response was, well, there's an issue here, which is, and I termed it, there's [a] tragedy [on] the horizon, which is that by the time it's a clear and present danger for everybody in the financial sector, not just the Lloyd's of Londons and the big insurance industry, it's going to be too late to meet the climate goals. It's going to be too late to keep temperatures below two degrees. You need to think about, you leaders...with the financial sector is just not going to front-run politics and policy. You have to grab this and pull it forward.

“That led to a series of reforms and measures, including...well, I won't bore you with them, but very important plumbing reforms that are now absolutely mainstream. At the time, it was viewed as.... You know, there was a wide range of opinion on that, but I think it would have been good if I—well, not 'I' but 'we'—had done that 10 years ago previously. I wasn't in a role to do that, and I wouldn't have seen it. But all of that is now becoming mainstream, and we're working on the next phase of addressing it.”

David Herle asked, “What do your conversations about climate change go like with your friends from Alberta?”

Mark Carney answered, “They've moved over time. I think the recognition.... I've never had a conversation with people in Alberta about the issue of whether or not it was happening—I mean, there's a range of opinions...or the speed with which it was happening, but what the contribution could be from Alberta or of Canada to be part of the solutions, or what the responsibilities of others are, and how seriously the world was taking it.

“I think what's happened in terms of the financial sector, and how central this is now viewed in terms of investment and lending of major financial participants all over the world, look, we just signed up $70 trillion—$70 trillion, I'm going to repeat that—in American dollars, with net-zero plans from across the financial sector. That number is going to grow between now and Glasgow. I think we were a bit slow to recognize that that was coming. It's been clear for a while that it was coming. It's probably come a little sooner than even I would have expected. But I did expect that we would end up [here some day].”

David Herle asked what that meant—whether those with $70 trillion have signed up to a set of targets and protocols that mean they really can't invest in the oil sands anymore.

Mark Carney answered, “Well, I mean, this is not that per se. What they've signed up for...and this is very important. I'm going to go from easy to hard, okay? The easy bit is that a country or an energy company or a bank says, I'll be net zero by 2050. You know, that's quite far. It's not easy to get there, by the way, but it's easy to sort of say or make that commitment. Of course, the more reputable you are, if you make the commitment, you intend to make it, and then you pull it back and say, okay, where are you going to be in 2030?

“Now, 2030 sounds like a long time, but it's not a long time when you think about an energy company or an auto company. For an auto company, that's one or two models, right? Think about all that R and D and development and plant design you have to do, particularly if you're switching from an internal combustion engine to an electric vehicle. So we see it. You think about changing the portfolio, the generation mix of a utility, or substantially reducing the carbon footprint of the oil sands, or getting up and running in scale, real scale, not just pilot projects, carbon capture and storage, which is what we need for the oil sands—”

Mark Carney seems to be a very big fan of carbon capture and storage. I'm sure my friends in the NDP would like to question him on that kind of commitment, but we'll go back to the transcript.

Mark Carney continued, “which is what we need for the hydrogen economy and natural gas. Nine years from now is not tomorrow, but it's the day after tomorrow in terms of what needs to be done.

“So the key for these, looping back to what you were asking for these financial institutions and this $70 trillion...one of the key things we've been trying to do is say, okay, so you have to say where you're going to be in 2030. What proportion of the 50% reduction—the 50% reduction—does the world needs to do to be on track in order to get to net zero by 2050?

“I'm not going to explain the math, if you want, but that's basically what's required. And then what are you doing in the next five years? What's your decarbonization for the next five years—your plan—and how are you going to do it by various industries? The key thing, though, which we're trying to get in, and I think we are succeeding, is decarbonization. So if there's a company, and I won't name specific ones, out in the oil patch—in the energy patch—in Alberta that is going to make a big investment or consortia of big investments that are going to pull carbon out of the process and decarbonize, then we want banks and investors to put money behind that.

“And when they put money behind the actual portfolio—I'm realizing most people will be listening to this and not watching it, so my very clear hand movements are only for your benefit—initially the carbon in that portfolio of the bank or the investor will go up, so we're designing a system so that there's credit for the fact that that investment initially will lead to lower carbon five years out, or 10 years out, and that's absolutely critical. So, you know, Carville said, 'It's the economy, stupid', and we're saying, 'It's just the transition, stupid.' It's not just jumping overnight to a green future. It'd be nice if we could, but we can't just do that, so you'd need to get the money behind it.

“So look, what it does mean for any company anywhere in the world, increasingly, is, if you are a major emitter, what's your plan? What's your plan to get your emissions down? What kind of investments do you intend to make? What's your pathway to get there? And if you're part of the solution, you're going to get capital thrown at you. If you're part of the problem or if you're slow, it's becoming very expensive and difficult to raise money. The former is definitely the case. That's the other side of that $70 trillion. This money needs to be put to work.”

We'll leave the transcript for a second.

Mr. Carney is saying we need $70 trillion to decarbonize and is suggesting that companies that don't have a plan will face higher capital costs, which we've already seen happening. The investors in the market have been demanding that companies disclose their climate goals. However, what's interesting is a regulator like OSFI, which came to this committee and bragged about the fact that, three or four years ago, it had three or four people working in a climate change division, now has 30 people working in its climate change division and is now threatening financial institutions in order to increase the capital requirements for lenders who lend to oil and gas.

It seems to me that's a bit of a stretch considering OSFI's mandate. I don't recall any debate in Parliament about changing OSFI's mandate to include such a strong focus on climate change, but perhaps Mr. Carney has a view on whether he supports the regulator taking an approach like that, especially if the regulator is now going to start evaluating all these plans. Are the regulators going to start analyzing all of the climate change plans and emissions reduction plans, or should they just let investors in the market decide what they will demand from that company?

I'd love to ask OSFI that question, but it hasn't been here in almost a year. I wonder if they're trying to avoid us, Mr. Chair.

We'll go back to the transcript. This is David Herle speaking: “I spent the first decade of my life as a farm boy in rural Saskatchewan. So here's an innovation I never thought I'd see. The most important piece of equipment in farming today isn't a tractor, a combine or a plow. It's the smart phone a farmer holds in their hand. Yes, new technologies like AI, robotics, big data and network connectivity have changed the way we farm for the better.”

Mr. Chair, I apologize. This is just an advertisement in the podcast. I'm going to skip this section for Ms. Thompson's sake. I know that we don't need to give any free advertising to anyone here at the finance committee.

Now I'll get back to the podcast. Mr. Herle said, “You're doing a lot of work with the UN. What's that like? I have a pretty jaundiced view, but I only really follow the security council. What's it like to work with the UN?”

Mark Carney said, “You follow the Security Council—well done. That's good.

“What's it like working with the UN? Well, look, what I do, and I spend half my time on this, at least, is I am a special envoy—'Noble scholar and special envoy', if you could use both of those from now on—for the Secretary-General on climate finance, so what we're talking about...it's the private sector finance for climate, how to organize the financial system and get them behind being part of the solution for climate change—getting money to that example we just talked about, the company in Alberta that's going to reduce its carbon footprint—or a new renewable or a new technology, all that, but organizing the whole system.

“I'm also Prime Minister Boris Johnson's adviser on exactly the same issue.”

Let's take a time out from the transcript. Mr. Carney also advised Prime Minister Boris Johnson, so Boris Johnson obviously had a lot of faith in Governor Carney. I wonder what Governor Carney thinks of Mr. Johnson's record, especially with respect to Brexit. We know that Mr. Carney was very against Brexit and that Boris Johnson wanted to bake the Brexit pie. However, that would be an interesting discussion to have with Mr. Carney as well at this committee.

Let's get back to the transcript.

Mark Carney went on, “All of this is coming together for this COP meeting, COP 26 in Glasgow, which is the big climate meeting this November in Glasgow. It's why you had the Biden summit, why you had Canada's new target. We'll just be here...they're rolling on that.

“Look, I spend.... We have a team of about 30 people based in London—one-third private sector, one-third from Bank of England and one-third from the U.K. Treasury—and what we do is we're organizing...a whole work plan to get the plumbing in place in the financial sector to deal with this issue and to get private institutions—which, I think, the $70 trillion number gives you a sense of the scale—lined up to be part of this solution. There's probably.... You know, I've lost count, but there are probably about a thousand people in the private sector who are working on various working groups on setting up new carbon markets, dealing with people like the World Bank so they're more effective, and on and on and on.

“To be honest, I'm not involved in the joys of the UN bureaucracy or.... Obviously, I deal with the Secretary-General and Amina Mohammed, who is the deputy secretary-general, who's outstanding. Literally, when you're talking to these people, they are coming out of a discussion or about to go into a discussion of some horrible global issue or challenge, from the pandemic through to some of the most difficult hotspots in the world, so they have my admiration. But it would be a tough place to work [there], that's for sure.”

I should pause here for a moment, Mr. Chair. Mr. Carney had initially arranged a number of financial institutions that signed up to support the push for net zero and to dedicate a certain amount of funds. A number of those original signatories have now withdrawn their support, so that's another interesting point of discussion we should have with Mr. Carney. Why have some of these large financial institutions, which initially were very enthusiastic about his project, since stepped away?

In addition, companies like S&P—Standard & Poor's—are no longer reviewing ESG ratings. They're not providing ESG ratings anymore for companies. Why? It's because they're meaningless.

ESG is more of a marketing scam than it is anything substantive. The way that the E, the S and the G interplay together, the environmental, sustainable and governance.... This notion that a company could do something really badly in one of those areas—environmental, sustainable or governance—but could be saved by stellar performance in another one of those areas is a bit bizarre. For example, should a company that is an awful polluter be given a free pass because it has a gender-balanced board? I don't know, but these are the kinds of discussions that people have when we give ESG ratings, and that's why Standard & Poor's has stopped doing it. It's because the whole thing is a scam.

Let's go back to the transcript.

David Herle said, “So you've got a book out. Here it is: Value(s)."

Mark Carney responded, “Yeah, I've got a book.”

We'll skip a little bit ahead here.

David Herle said, “Some people say they struggled with finishing it, but they just don't like big words, those people. I found the book exciting because it contains the seeds of a different governing philosophy and an intellectual break with Reagan and Thatcher, in my view.

“What's the thesis? If you could just take our listeners and viewers through it, what's the basic thesis of the book?”

Mark Carney said, “Well, let me maybe say a word on the genesis and then I'll get to the thesis, which is.... As you mentioned, I was a central bank governor—a G7 governor. I started just on the eve of the global financial crisis. I literally handed over the keys to the Bank of England in the middle of March last year, just as the U.K. was locking down and we were launching the first phases of the response to the COVID crisis. In between, we had the euro crisis, we had Brexit, and we had the mounting climate crisis. I was basically a governor through a series of crises.

“What I wanted to do is step back and think, okay, is there a common driver of this and what is there? I did feel, really, that both in looking back over the sweep of economic thought and also the experience of these crises, that we had lost a balance between some of the core values that are necessary, first for the market to function well.... I'm a big believer in markets and I'm a big believer that markets can serve a role in solving our biggest problems, but markets don't exist in a vacuum. Markets are social conventions in the end. Sorry for the big words there, but social conventions. They have.... You need fairness. You need a sense of fairness and responsibility. You need a resilience to markets. You can't have markets just crumble as they did with subprime crisis, so you need those elements.

“You need markets. Markets are also largely short term or can be short term. We are, as individuals, short term. We have this tragedy on the horizon with respect to climate. How do we bring in elements of sustainability? How do we bring in elements of solidarity—in other words, regional solidarity in Canada, solidarity with others in societies leaning against the forces of inequality? How do we marry all of those with the power of markets—what I call the dynamism of markets—which is what's going to lead the innovation, growth and better jobs, etc.? How do we bring back that balance?

“The thesis is that the pendulum—and it's on more dimensions than just two—has become unbalanced. It walks through a number of examples. It really starts from a place where actually...how economics views value. Up until the 19th century, it was viewed as either something intrinsic to the good or the activity, or a reflection of the labour and the work that had been put into that activity. That's what Adam Smith thought. That's what David Ricardo thought. It happened to also be what Marx thought. It gets flipped around in the 19th century and intensified over the course of the last several decades, where the value of something is its price and only its price. If something isn't priced, it does not have value. That's the way things become treated.

“I mean, I use this example on climate, which is that we know precisely the value of Amazon, the company—$1 trillion. Amazon, the region, has no value until actually you start burning the forest and convert it into farmland.

“That doesn't really make sense. We have a tendency—this is a little less in Canada, but you see it in the U.K. and the U.S. and other places—of paying for charity and bringing charitable or volunteer acts like blood donation and other charitable acts into the market. What happens is that changes peoples' behaviour. It corrodes the math underlying that.

“Okay, so that's the set of issues. I'm not explaining in purely linear form. You've got to read the book, but it goes through that and what I try to do.... Part of the reason the book is longer is to say, so what? Because it's frustrating when you get to these sorts of elaborate analyses of the problem without any suggested solution.

“What the book does is look at these three crises, climate, COVID and credit—credit being the financial crisis—and says, okay, what are some of the responses to that? What are the lessons? What does that mean if you're a leader of an organization? If you're a company or a country, what are the types of things that you should do to reinforce these broader set of values—fairness and responsibility, solidarity, sustainability—alongside dynamism?

“I do make the point.... This is a sincere point and you would expect that I would have figured it out earlier. After 30 years, it finally came to me: Humility [being] the most important value. It is important. Humility is a very important value [like it or not] but not humility that's incapacitating. You've got to marry ambition and humility in a way that's effective. I try to draw that out.”

David Herle said, “I'll pass that along to Scott Reid.

“When [you're reading the] book, and you're describing this, my mind is turning to my nostalgic view of the 1960s, when the difference between what CEOs made and their workers made was much smaller than it is now, where rich people got taxed at high rates, where people got good union jobs that they had for life, with benefits, and business leaders cared about and lived in the communities in which their businesses operated, and they cared about the communities in which their business operated. That may all be rose-coloured nostalgia, but that's what I'm thinking about. But I don't hear anybody calling for us to return to the 1960s.”

Mark Carney said, “I think, well, first thing, there's always a danger of picking a point in time. There is this sort of saudade, right? You have this nostalgia for a time that never was or an interpretation of a time that never was. But there are elements...and this is not a call to go back to the sixties in any way, shape or form.

“In fact, one of the core points of the book, and I think one of the key challenges we have as a country and that others share in is how we take the technologies and opportunities and the risks and opportunities that come with them, and build, you know, a more balanced system. The book is about building a better world for all, and a lot of that can be done through greater connectivity in a way that builds the regional economy in Canada and that helps our small businesses take on the world through platforms and other things.

“Let me loop back to your core question. I think one of the issues—and I spend a fair bit of time in the book on it—is around corporate purpose and the nature of the company. I am not a Friedmanite. I think that should be clear. I think Friedman, in part, was a brilliant guy and made some good points in a variety of ways, but his fundamental shareholder primacy is fundamentally wrong and fundamentally, in my view, flawed, because he gives himself an out by saying that, in fact, the only purpose of business is making profits for shareholders.

“He says that subject to the ethics and customs of the age, and he assumes that those are unchanged by an emphasis solely on profit. In fact, he literally says, in his famous essay, that any activity that is support for the community or support for the workers is hypocritical window dressing, which, if it serves the purpose of 'hypocritical window dressing', serves the purposes of enticing people that are pulling the wool over people's eyes, and then that's okay. But it really is ultimately just for that goal, and that's wrong. That's wrong for two reasons: One, there's a corrosion...and it's the purest market fundamentalism. The book goes through it, and it doesn't matter. It's in the book. You'll see it in the financial markets.

“You see that. I lived it in the run-up, and I had to deal with it as a public official in the run-up to the crisis and afterwards. You see it in the social strains that we have because of these greater extremes that have built up between whether it's CEO compensation and those on the shop floor or how we pay our essential workers, not for what we need them for in essential times but only for normal times. It's still there. You also see it...and I think there's a real economic issue, which is you don't see it....

“If you have a sense of purpose and a sense of alignment you can get from a company.... In other words, you're solving an issue. Shopify has a sense of purpose. Its purpose is mass entrepreneurialism. Its purpose is to make it easier to start a business and sell anywhere. That animating purpose actually helps those who supply Shopify, those who go on it. It organizes the community. It has that knock-on effect, which actually is self-fulfilling. It's good for Shopify itself, but it's good for shareholders, the employees and, very importantly, the customers, the clients, the businesses that are there.

“That world, that world where you have a company with a sense of purpose, where we have that solidarity within a company, with its community and within the company: I think there is a rebalancing towards that. If I can bring it up to the level of a country and the country's objectives, we're going through two huge rewirings in the economy. We're at the cusp. We're still in early innings of the digital rewiring of the economy. It's been accelerated by COVID, but there is a lot more to come.

“I say in the book, are we going to be digital by default? Are we just going to let this happen in the way that the technology companies determine is best or are we going to be digital by design? Are we going to design policies? Are we going to help people build the skills? Are we going to organize things so that as many Canadians can benefit as possible from it? You can see ways that can happen. I go through it in the book.

“On climate and sustainability, we're getting to a point...and this is a key point and an opportunity for us. Some see it as a challenge, but I think it's an opportunity where we have moved to.... We're going to deal with climate. We've got 130 countries, now joined by the United States, that say we're going to get net zero. We've got 1,500 of the world's largest companies who say net zero. We've got $70 trillion of money as of last week saying we're going to go net zero, so there's an animating purpose—an objective.

“That changes the equation because that means that lots of smart people, lots of driven people, lots of inquisitive people around the world are going to be figuring out how we best get to net zero and they will get there in a way that is more effective, cheaper, quicker than a government would and that's—to go back to the title of the book, which is values, with parentheses around the “s”—how you get value in the market serving the values of society.”

David Herle said, “I'm a little unclear as to how you break the stranglehold of shareholders on corporate behaviour because.... I mean, I'm not an ethical investor. I direct my investments to wherever I can get the greatest return. We're repeatedly told, when we all rail against corporate malfeasance, that our pension funds are all invested in those and if we wanted our pension funds to invest ethically, we'd have to settle for less in our retirement.

“I know I work with a lot of CEOs that would like to be doing their jobs differently, but they've got to report to these shareholders on a quarterly basis and if the shareholders don't think they're doing everything they can to drive up the share price...the CEO will be replaced. It may be that the corporation that shouldn't run only for the benefit of shareholders, but shareholders have a chokehold on them, don't they?”

Mark Carney responded, “Well, I think the first thing is.... There's a variety of premises in that question that are wrong.... I'll grant you that you don't invest ethically. I'd like to let the record show that.

“The first is that there is this trade-off. The evidence is very strong.... I'm someone who's been in and around financial markets for three decades—the private side and the public side—so I know something about this and the book goes through this in some detail. The alignment, the correlation between broader ESG.... I won't give you all the details, but a number of them are in the book, including the footnotes. About 60% of the analyses find a positive correlation between companies that score more highly on weighing ethical, social and governance”. They score more highly—a positive correlation between companies that score on weighing ethical, social, government, sustainable and so on.

Carney continued, “Why is that the case? First...there are a series of issues. In many cases, what you're doing is you're screening out a problem. You're screening out a Volkswagen or a company that's going to do something bad and eventually going to be caught out on it. Sorry, Volkswagen.”

David Herle laughed: “That's a good example.”

Actually, we should pause there.

Volkswagen, the company that was busted and fined significant sums for misleading the entire planet, is a massive recipient of corporate welfare to build a battery plant in Ontario. The Canadian government is giving tons of taxpayer money to a company that purposely misled every buyer of its products and we're supposed to just accept that it's the price of getting production here.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

Ryan Turnbull Liberal Whitby, ON

I have a point of order, Chair.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

Go ahead, MP Turnbull.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

Ryan Turnbull Liberal Whitby, ON

It's actually more a point of clarification for Mr. Chambers.

I'm just giving him a chance to take a breath and have a drink of water because I'm so kind.

I also just wanted to see if he was still quoting from the transcript that he was reading for the last.... How long has it been now? I guess it hasn't been that long.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

It's been 48 minutes.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

Ryan Turnbull Liberal Whitby, ON

I'm wondering whether he's still quoting directly from that, because it sounded like he moved into opinion. I would just like to be clear on what his opinion is versus what the transcript he's reading is, just so we're all aware.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

Thanks, Mr. Turnbull.

I don't know if MP Chambers would like to answer that or not.

I do have a speakers list after MP Chambers when MP Chambers concludes. It's MP Davies, MP Morantz, MP Dzerowicz, MP Lawrence and it continues to grow.

2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Adam Chambers Conservative Simcoe North, ON

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

When we got to the Volkswagen part, the Volkswagen comments were from Mr. Carney, but the subsequent comments on Volkswagen, about the government subsidizing a company that's misled the world, are editorial comments for sure. Let's make no mistake.

It would be good to ask Mr. Carney whether he thinks the auto subsidies are appropriate, especially as Mr. Carney has experience working in the Department of Finance during the financial crisis, during 2008-09, when the then-government bailed out General Motors and Chrysler for substantial sums.

I would point out, Mr. Chair, that when those bailouts were provided, the governments—including the U.S. government but more importantly the Canadian government—received equity. We'll just use General Motors as an example. For the bailout, the Canadian taxpayer received equity—as in shares—in General Motors, which was then able to be sold to recoup some of the initial bailout.

This government has provided—I think I've lost count—$40-some-odd billion to subsidize electric vehicle battery plants. You could buy the entire Ford Motor Company for half of that. The government could have actually just gone out and purchased an entire car company for half of the amount of money that it's providing in subsidies and corporate welfare for the auto sector, for which we don't even get any equity. There's a promise of some jobs, but there's no upside for the actual taxpayer other than those people who live...and might actually have employment.

Set aside the fact the government just gave $1.7 million for pasta.

2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Philip Lawrence Conservative Northumberland—Peterborough South, ON

I have a point of order.

I hate to correct my colleague, but aren't quite a few of those workers foreign temporary workers, not Canadian?

May 17th, 2024 / 2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Adam Chambers Conservative Simcoe North, ON

Indeed, Mr. Lawrence is correct.

Some of those workers we're subsidizing are coming in with their expertise as temporary foreign workers. I hope the idea is that they'll pass their expertise on to Canadian workers and members of our unions.

What's interesting is that the government has decided to play the game where they're going to subsidize everything to come. We've been told for at least a generation that, compared to the U.S., Canada stands out for a few reasons. One is a favourable exchange rate. Two is that health care costs are largely borne by government. Three is a well-trained workforce. Apparently, none of those things matter. What we have to do is now meet the U.S. dollar for dollar on the subsidies that they're going to provide. If we want to go down the same fiscal path as the U.S., then I suppose that's the way the government would like to go.

I think it's very concerning. We don't have the same amount of money that the U.S. does. We don't have the world's reserve currency. We are going to see the challenges that this government's spending and subsidization are going to have on the economy when our dollar goes down and when our balance of payments gets significantly out of whack because we're not allowing investments in productive areas of the economy. The government has a clear path, which is that we will subsidize to make it happen.

The other interesting point is that the government says to look at these new data points. Foreign direct investment is going up. The only reason there's foreign direct investment is that the government is subsidizing the investment that's coming here. That's not realistic, and it's not practical.

I mean, at this recent announcement last week with Honda, the person at Honda said Canada was their third choice. They looked at a couple of other countries before they came here. Why did they come here? It's because the government gave them tons of money. Of course, they're going to come here.

Natural gas has no business case, notwithstanding the fact that multiple countries, representatives and leaders have come here and asked for it. We're to believe that natural gas has no business case, but for some of these investments that the government is making, the only business case that exists is a subsidy. I have a hard time following that.

I appreciate the intervention from my colleague to remind everyone that those initial workers at these battery plants will be temporary foreign workers.

Mr. Chair, I'm going to pause here for a moment. Before I pass on the floor, I will come back to the transcript, because there is some good stuff in here. I think it's even more relevant to what we'll be discussing.

We were in the middle of witness testimony and hearing from officials on the budget. The government decided to put a very aggressive timeline on the budget to get it reported back to the House. We do this every single spring. The government could have brought forward a motion to have a certain number of witnesses and a certain number of hours. We could have agreed upon that and ensured that the NDP was satisfied with the number of witnesses, and then we could have deferred the decision about when to start clause-by-clause to any time. We could be dealing with it in a week from now. We could be dealing with it in two weeks from now. They could have brought a motion just on when they wanted to start clause-by-clause at any time and not taken witness time away.

I suspect that we'll wind up in the same place as we were last year. We'll run the clock all the way down to the end and have a rushed set of witnesses, or maybe not. Maybe this time it will require a House instruction. What we've been doing is not an effective way to be looking at bills.

I appreciated the fact that, with Bill C-59, we had a certain amount of witness testimony, which was negotiated with the former finance critic of the NDP. That was reasonable, but we could have the same here if we just agreed to defer the decision on the clause-by-clause start date for a couple of weeks, or even just a couple of meetings. It's unfortunate that we may be here tonight until midnight, as I understand there are resources.

I'll have to find another podcast with Mr. Carney to regale you all with, but it's pretty clear that Mr. Carney is looking to enter the political arena so I think we should give him the opportunity. He's been to this committee before. He's always held himself very well. He's capable on a number of fronts. He's a dynamic individual who already appeared at the Senate committee last week. He appeared at the finance committee a couple of years ago. He's going on podcasts. He's giving speeches.

Those Liberal caucus members who are supporting other candidates should want Mr. Carney to face a certain level of scrutiny because it's not fair that members of cabinet who are also running have to stand up in the House of Commons and receive questions every day from opposition members, or they have to show up at a committee to be grilled. Those leadership contestants are facing a level of scrutiny. What Mr. Carney has been able to do is basically enter the political arena with very little scrutiny, so we'd like to provide him the opportunity to give his plan for Canadians and where he demarcates from the current government, as he's been talking about in a few of these examples such as that the budget is not focused enough on growth.

By the way, back in this podcast, which I didn't get to yet, but we will later, he talks about how it's going to be a couple of years before we see the benefits of the government's budget. I wonder if he thinks that those benefits have come true. It doesn't look like it by his recent comments.

Three years ago he said we needed to wait and see, and three years have gone by. I don't think he's as happy. Look, I quite like Mr. Carney. I think we would all learn something. It's not very often you have an opportunity to talk to somebody who's been the Governor of the Bank of England, the Governor of the Bank of Canada, the senior associate deputy minister in the Department of Finance, someone who was in the financial sector for 30 years and someone who has obviously thought a lot about public policy, has written a book about it and is now interested in contributing. I give him an immense amount of credit for wanting to think about how he can contribute to the country. I also think it's just reasonable to say, why don't you come in and talk about it?

I'd also say that those of you who are very upset with and hold dearly central bank independence should ask what's been done more to erode the independence of the central bank. There's the fact that in the U.S. the former fed chair is now the Secretary of the Treasury, and in Canada you have a former Governor of the Bank of Canada who wants to run for a political party. He has been at least very open about which political party he belongs to. I would submit that this actually has a lot to do with the eroding independence of the central bank.

By the way, just a couple of weeks ago, the Prime Minister said that interest rates would come down, which I found very surprising. I know my colleague, Mr. Lawrence, will likely have something to say on that later, but there's a news flash. The central bank isn't really that independent.

Anyway, you look at how much communication goes back and forth between the Department of Finance and the central bank on a regular basis. The government picks who leads it. The government at any time can send a letter or instructions to the central bank, in writing, on issues with respect to monetary policy. For example, back in 2013, there was this discussion about quantitative easing, and Jim Flaherty took some criticism for saying that Canada would not do quantitative easing. Guess what. Quantitative easing is the reason why we have inflation today.

There are a number of people now who have been questioning the use of quantitative easing. It was well within the finance minister's comments then, as he was able to write a letter or instructions to the central bank, but those individuals who thought that quantitative easing had no consequences for 10 years are now all basically backpedalling.

By the way, with MMT, modern monetary theory, and the fact that you could just print money with no consequences, those people are very quiet on Twitter these days, because it's created a significant amount of inflation. I think someone like Mr. Carney would have a lot to say about the intersection between monetary policy and fiscal policy. I also would love to ask the current central bank governor how he would feel if a former central bank governor was the Prime Minister. I wonder how those conversations would go.

I think it would be a wonderful opportunity to hear from Mr. Carney. As I said, I hold him in very high regard, and I think we should want the opportunity to hear from someone with a résumé like his and a desire like his to make the country better. I'd like to give him the platform to do that, and that's why I hope that my colleagues will at least agree to the subamendment, or a version of the subamendment, that would see Mr. Carney appear here as a witness as he has previously done before.

Quickly, before I pass the floor to the next speaker, we still haven't dealt with this money laundering motion yet. I see that there are four meetings in the main motion for money laundering. The last review of the Proceeds of Crime (Money Laundering) and Terrorist Financing Act was 14 meetings I think. It's inadequate. The government, which claims it's doing so much on money laundering, hasn't even kept its statutory obligation to review the act.

The government has been doing amendments to the money laundering act on a piecemeal basis, claiming that every time they make one little change it is the biggest monumental change. How about actually just completing the systemic review of the act to fulfill our obligation?

They're doing the exact same thing with money laundering that they're doing with competition. Every six months they come out with some new changes to the Competition Act and say that these are the most monumental changes that have ever been seen to the Competition Act. Now they're doing the same thing with money laundering. Are they making progress? Yes. Is it piecemeal? Yes. Is it inadequate? Yes, because they're not looking at the whole system.

I hope we can get through this motion. I also don't support the few meetings. I think we need to have many more meetings on money laundering. I hope that Mr. Carney will come and give us some ideas about how we can organize ourselves and our government better for the purpose of Canadians.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

Thank you, MP Chambers.

I'll go to the list again. Next is MP Davies, MP Morantz, MP Dzerowicz and MP Lawrence.

2:40 p.m.

NDP

Don Davies NDP Vancouver Kingsway, BC

Thank you, Mr. Chair. It's déjà vu all over again.

2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Philip Lawrence Conservative Northumberland—Peterborough South, ON

I have a point of order. I believe there's a vote going on.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

Did the bells go? We're just checking if it's the bells.

It is the bells. Okay.

Members, as we do, I'll ask the committee if we have UC to continue.

2:40 p.m.

Conservative

Marty Morantz Conservative Charleswood—St. James—Assiniboia—Headingley, MB

No.

2:40 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

I heard a no, so we do not have UC. We're suspended until after the vote.

12:55 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Peter Fonseca

We're back.

MP Davies, you're right. I just heard you say, “five minutes”. That's what we have—five minutes. Then, unless we get to a vote, we will suspend until this afternoon.

Go ahead, MP Davies.

12:55 p.m.

NDP

Don Davies NDP Vancouver Kingsway, BC

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Well, I have five minutes. I started to say déjà vu all over again. I think it's where I started, and we seem to have picked up where we were on Friday, which I think is unfortunate.

My colleague Nathan Cullen, who served in this place for quite a long time, used to say that the currency of Parliament is time. I think that was a really astute observation. We all come here from various parts of the country. We all have important issues and constituencies. We're here to do important business, and there never seems to be enough time to hear from enough people to get enough feedback and study bills in the detail that we need, so I think it's really vital that we use the time we have in as intelligent and useful a way as possible.

I'm new to this committee. I've only been on this committee for about a month. This is my first budget, and I am really looking forward to hearing from stakeholders about it. I think I said on Friday that budgets are unique pieces of legislation. I'm reminded of a quote that I think was attributed to Joe Biden. He said, “Don’t tell me what you value. Show me your budget—and I’ll tell you what you value.”

It's the document that sets the course for the governance, the stewardship, of our country for the next year. I think this is my 16th budget. There are always things in there that I vehemently disagree with, things that I vehemently agree with and everything in between, but what is really important, I think, is to hear from Canadians. I want to hear from farmers. I want to hear from small and medium-sized businesses. I want to hear from the tech industry. I want to hear from NGOs. I want to hear from your average Canadian. I want to hear from as full a panoply of people as we can to get their feedback on the budget. However, we're not able to do that. Instead, we are engaged in what is clearly and obviously delay. I have great respect for my Conservative colleagues, but I have to name it. It's the Conservatives who are delaying and preventing that feedback from happening.

I put in an amendment the week before last that would have seen dedicating six hours to hearing from witnesses today and another six hours on Thursday. That's 12 hours, the equivalent of six meetings, and of course, we had two meetings the week before scheduled for this, one with officials for two hours and one with the minister for what was supposed to be two hours. We only had an hour because that's where the breakdown occurred, and I'm certainly prepared to have more meetings for witnesses next week.

Instead, we had to listen to the reading of a podcast interview of Mark Carney on The Herle Burly. That's what we've spent most of the last two hours doing. I don't think that's a good use of our currency. I don't think Canadians think that's a good use of our currency.

Now, there may be a good reason for it. I've been in opposition my entire career. I respect that there are tools at our disposal, and sometimes oppositions have to slow down government for good reason, because government with majorities can act oppressively. They can act with undue haste, and they need to be slowed down, so tools can be used. However, there's a reason I'm doubtful that that's the case here. First of all, the Conservatives insisted on delaying the budget of this nation, the pre-eminent document, because they wanted to hear from Mark Carney. I heard today that this wasn't the reason. Now the reason is that the clause-by-clause, which is the final stage of dealing with this bill, was on a date not to their liking. Frankly, neither of those two issues, in my view, is sufficient to hold up a budget of the nation, but the fact that they've changed their position tells me that there's a lack of commitment to those reasons.

I've said before, and I think Canadians have to understand, that each party at this table is allowed to submit the names of witnesses they want to hear from on the budget, and there was nothing stopping the Conservatives from making Mark Carney their first witness to be called on this budget if they wanted to. I don't know why they're holding up the budget when they could do that, unless they are afraid or worried that Mr. Carney won't come. It's the prerogative of every witness to not come to committee if they don't want to. Sometimes they can't because their schedule doesn't allow them to, but sometimes they just don't want to.

I said this on Friday and I'll say it again. In this case, the Conservatives have been very blatant about why they want to call Mr. Carney. It's not because they're interested in hearing his views on the budget. They're interested in giving him a grilling and a good once-over because they think he might want to run for Liberal leader. As I said on Friday, that's what I think is inappropriate.

Parliament has a lot of power. We can call people to the bar. I've seen twice in my time here that someone has been called to the bar in the House of Commons. It's unusual. It happens a handful of times a century. That's the power Parliament has. We can summon someone to come to this committee.

Imagine this Parliament using our power to force someone to come here to answer questions about their political beliefs. That's not the action of a modern responsible democracy. That's the action of a tinpot dictatorship. That's what banana republics do. They misuse their power to attack private citizens who are simply exercising their civic rights. That's what's wrong.

That's why I will not agree to call Mark Carney. If we wanted to call him to hear his views on the budget, maybe, but even in that case, it's a weak case to be made. Mr. Carney is no longer the Bank of Canada governor. He's no longer the U.K. bank governor. He's a private citizen. While I'm interested in his views, I'm not any more interested in his views than I am in those of another 10,000 Canadians.

I think Canadians have to be aware that's what we're doing here today. We're wasting the valuable too-short time that Parliament has in what is, to me, a political witch hunt to go after a person who has political ambitions that one party here doesn't like, and they're prepared to hold up the nation's finances to do that. That, to me, is not appropriate. That's not a partisan shot. I would say that to any party that does that, including my own.

I want to mention a few things that are in the budget.

There's a school nutrition program in this budget. I think every person around this table has children, is an aunt or uncle or has children in their lives. We could pass this budget and have 400,000 kids receive a nutritious school meal in September, this at a time when one in four kids is suffering from food deprivation. That's 25% of kids, and it's probably higher. There are kids in school at 10:30 in the morning trying to concentrate on their math lesson whose stomachs are empty, and the Conservatives are holding up this bill for political purposes.

Never mind their families' budgets. My first concern is that child, but there are a lot of families struggling with high prices. The Conservatives have prosecuted an excellent case in the House and on the hustings about the difficult situation Canadians are in. They're right about that. This budget would do something about it. Five days a week, it would help a family know that their child is getting a nutritious meal. If they have more than one child, it might be two or three kids. This could save hundreds of dollars per family per month. If you think of who those families are, it's probably the families who need it the most: low-income Canadians and single-parent families. They're the ones who are probably struggling with food insecurity the most. That's who's affected by the Conservatives holding up this budget.

This budget has pharmacare funding in it to ensure that people living with diabetes can get their medication and their devices. I was a health critic for eight years. I've talked to many people living with diabetes who have to pay thousands of dollars out-of-pocket every year. I talked to one person who told me that he was diagnosed with type 1 diabetes when he was 20 years old. He's 50 now and he figures he has spent over $100,000 out of his own pocket for syringes, needles, test strips and his medication. These are people who didn't choose to have diabetes. It was no choice of their own. They have it. This budget would provide not only health but also fiscal relief for them. That's being held up.

There are tax credits for businesses that want to invest in clean technology. Isn't that something we all want? Don't we want to create Canadian champions in our economy? We want to give businesses that are at the cutting edge of technology in this century's sustainable energy economy a leap forward and some assistance by giving them tax credits so they can make investments. We've heard them at this committee say they're waiting to make those investments.

I worked for a union for 16 years before I came here, and we had 275 private sector employers in the union I represented. I sat at many tables dealing with businesses from mom-and-pop trucking operations to Purolator, UPS, Jazz and B.C. rail—small operations to big. Every one of them is operating in an extremely competitive environment where every day counts. Their competitors are not waiting.

American competitors, who are getting buckets of money from the Biden administration, are making investments that our Canadian businesses are hampered from making. Why? It's because the Conservatives are holding up the business of this nation at this committee. Again, I could understand if there was an important issue of principle, if the government were acting oppressively or if there was an extremely important issue in the budget. However, to hold up this budget because the Conservatives insist on calling who they think is the next Liberal leader is untenable. It's unjustifiable. It's unparliamentary. It's wrong. I think people need to know this.

We're going to be coming back after question period today, and sitting from 3:30 to midnight today and probably 3:30 to midnight tomorrow, while the Conservatives read from Mark Carney's autobiography. Every one of those hours could have been devoted to hearing from witnesses. It's funny, because my wonderful colleague Mr. Chambers said that they want to hear from witnesses. How Orwellian. It's the Conservatives' filibuster that's preventing us from hearing from the witnesses they claim to want to hear from. That's just not right.

This is my first budget, and I don't know what the previous practice was, but I have to believe there's a better way. I have to believe that we need to find a way together. We can express our different policy positions. We can grill witnesses. We can express our different economic views, and we should. Frankly, no party has a monopoly on good ideas. I'm looking forward to hearing some of the suggestions from my Conservative colleagues on the budget. However, what is not right is holding up the debate itself. It's May 21. We only sit for five more weeks. What is that, 20-something days left to pass the budget?

We're past one. Are we still going? I'm happy to—