Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. I'm very happy to be with you here today.
First of all, as I explained, I'm on the territory of the Tsleil-Waututh, Squamish and Musqueam nations.
Meegwetch to the Standing Committee on Finance for inviting me to appear. I do want to talk about the far wider impact and the financial implications of the Emergencies Act, but I will also start with some larger-picture issues.
The root cause of what we're analyzing today needs to be put on the record. To put it plainly, there are serious doubts that the events of February 22 would have escalated if these protesters were first nations people. The convoy was provided with much leniency from the start because the non-indigenous participants were not initially considered or deemed a threat, and were still not until it was too late and, thus, the Emergencies Act was invoked. I do want to state that this is in stark contrast with how first nations people are treated when they are involved in civil actions, and there is a need for dignity and respect to be afforded to first nations when they are being vocal in their disagreement with government on legislation and policies. First nations people are often viewed through a different lens and met with aggression by law enforcement almost immediately, not three weeks later. In the long term, first nations defenders of land and water could potentially be severely impacted by the invocation of the Emergencies Act, and this is very concerning.
First nations people have been attempting to bring attention to this unequal treatment for decades. Canada has an overt, covert and systemic racism problem. I have said many times that the fair and just society that is proclaimed is simply not true when it comes to first nations. We only have to look at Kanesatake, Oka, Ipperwash Park, Tyendinaga and Wet'suwet'en to see the violence that is inflicted upon first nations men, women and children by Canadian police, paramilitary and military forces.
Having said that, I do see short- and long-term financial implications for first nations and their citizens. For example, the financing of the “freedom convoy” protests and blockades highlighted the vulnerability of Canada to be influenced by national and international white supremacists and far right extremist groups. I will focus my comments on the subject matter of this committee.
When it comes to broadening the scope of Canada's anti-terrorist financing laws, it makes sense to apply that to identified extremists and white supremacist hate groups. However, first nations do not fall in this category. I want to be clear that first nations are not terrorists, nor should they be branded as such when they are involved in civil actions that protect and uphold their constitutionally protected treaty and inherent rights in this country.
Many of our disputes with settler governments involve land and water rights. We have a sacred responsibility and connection to our lands and waters. As national chief, when I have travelled all across Turtle Island, I have always acknowledged that I'm a guest on various nations' territories, and I wish to remind this committee and all Canadians that you are guests of first nations on lands and waters given to us by the Creator. What's equally important is that we made sacred promises to live in peace. Therefore, any reference to first nations' finances being included in the scope of Canada's anti-terrorist financing laws is an affront to our sacred relationship with the Crown.
I am concerned about the federal government's increased ability to interfere with the business of crowdfunding websites. First nations have used these crowdfunding websites, for example, to raise legal defence funds. This will be a big step backward for Canada as it will take us back to 1927 when the Indian Act made it illegal for first nations people and communities to hire lawyers or bring about land claims against the government.
Further, in 1951 Canada amended the Indian Act to make it illegal to obtain funds or legal counsel to advance aboriginal title cases. We need to move on the healing path forward and not go back to oppressive, suppressive legislation that negatively impacts first nations.
I'm equally troubled by the ability of Canadian financial institutions to temporarily and selectively cease to provide financial services to specific clients. Many of you may be aware of the case of the first nations 12-year-old girl and her grandfather who were arrested in Vancouver for trying to open a bank account at the Bank of Montreal. This is overt, covert and systemic racism that first nations already face within the banking system.
When you add on top of that the powers provided to systemically racist law enforcement agencies to supply names to financial institutions in order to freeze accounts, you are creating a compounded, unjust situation for first nations. It's incumbent upon Canada to not only fix its systemic racism problem, but to ensure that the system has checks and balances when it comes to freezing the assets of first nations and/or their citizens.
Moreover, broadly increasing powers given to systemically racist Canadian financial institutions, particularly sharing personal information, has long-term implications for first nations. Clear guidelines and safeguards need to be put in place to protect first nation citizens from unfair targeting by banks, as well as unauthorized sharing of their information.
Banks have a great deal of power over the lives of all people, including first nations people. Some individual impacts could be downgraded credit ratings and an inability to take out a loan, a mortgage, a credit card or even to rent a home—