One, red tape, burdens the productive economy, and the other one, transparency, strengthens democracy. When we are asking for more information and clarification and asking questions of officials on behalf of the people we represent, it strengthens democracy.
For instance, the owner of a machine shop in Newmarket should not have to fill out 20 pages of compliance in forms upon forms, simply because the government likes to do paperwork. Taxpayers absolutely deserve to know whether a $1-billion government program is delivering results.
In fact, greater transparency can help reduce red tape. When the government publishes better data, measures outcomes and openly reports results, we can identify which regulations are working, which are failing and which should be eliminated altogether.
This is a big issue, too, in terms of regulations. There is this sentiment that whenever there's a new policy and a new initiative from governments, more regulation is layered on. Oftentimes you see additional regulation one upon the other, but there's never a comprehensive analysis to streamline it and remove regulation. All this falls on the shoulders of Canadians and business owners. The goal should not be more paperwork. The goal should be better information, which is what we're aiming to do with the subamendment.
Let us, in what we're doing here, try to reduce the burdens on those creating the jobs and building our economy, while increasing accountability for those spending public money. That is not a contradiction, Madam Chair. It is good government.
This common theme of transparency and plain-language reporting is important, because Canadians deserve to know what policies actually mean—not just what the government chooses to call them. Here, we are studying Bill C-30, the spring economic statement implementation act. In the spring economic statement, the government uses the altered definitions of capital investment to include spending that most Canadians would recognize as subsidies, or tax expenditures and transfers. The numbers look better on paper. It makes the numbers look better on paper, but the underlying spending does not actually change.
To take a step back, these changes in definitions were initially implemented in the first budget that was tabled, which was budget 2025. They are now being carried on to be used here within the spring economic statement.
The subamendment follows the opposite principle, in fact. Instead of changing the labels, it requires clear examples showing what a CPP contribution reduction means for a worker earning $50,000, $70,000 or the maximum pensionable earnings. It translates the government policy into real dollars and cents for Canadians to understand.
I just want to ensure that we are having this discussion within the right context. Of course, in the last election, the Prime Minister promised that he would balance the operating budget within three years. That was a campaign promise, and that was a serious promise. It was meant to reassure Canadians that after years—a decade, really—of rising spending, rising deficits and taking on an incredible amount of debt, this Prime Minister would bring fiscal discipline back to Ottawa, particularly because there was a focus on the Prime Minister's résumé.
Canadians wanted to believe that that was, in fact, true, but I don't think Canadians could have imagined that balancing the operating budget would mean inventing a new definition of capital investment, moving spending out of the operating budget so that the numbers look better only on paper.
In budget 2025, the Parliamentary Budget Officer was able to quantify that relabelling, and we know that it was around $94 billion of operating expenses being relabelled as capital investments. We know that there is no capital formation from a number of those.
We're about to see the FIFA World Cup kick off later this week, and an example that we can draw from that is that the spending for security for FIFA is being labelled capital investment but will lead to no capital formation.