Thank you, Mr. Chair. It's good to be back.
I have already spoken with my Bloc Québécois colleague. I would like to thank her again for her new haircut.
That said, in my mind and as Mr. Jowhari knows very well, HESA is not the place for contracts. They don't belong there. They belong at OGGO.
I'll start my remarks by reminding folks here of the mandate of OGGO, which is that:
Pursuant to Standing Order 108(3)(c), the Committee’s mandate includes primarily the study of:
the effectiveness of government operations;
the expenditure budgets of central departments and agencies;
the format and content of all estimates documents;
cross-departmental mandates, including programs delivered by more than one department or agency;
new information and communication technologies adopted by the government; and
statutory programs, tax expenditures, loan guarantees, contingency funds and private foundations deriving the majority of their funding from the Government of Canada.
The Committee is specifically mandated to examine and conduct studies related to the following organizations.
It goes on to list a bunch of organizations.
That said, it would be a significant departure from what we have ever done at the health committee in the past. Certainly, having looked through a multitude of documents over many years, I would suggest it's not something that happens at the health committee.
That being said, Mr. Chair, I can't better underscore the necessity for this study to be undertaken than by going back and looking at the history of OxyContin and Purdue Pharma.
In my past life, I was part of an interdisciplinary team that treated chronic pain. I believe we started that in the early 2000s. We were intimately aware on that team of the ravages of the use of opioids in attempting to treat chronic or persistent pain.
In examining the story of Purdue and OxyContin, there are lots of interesting movies out there that may or may not be true. That being said, we do know that the parent company, Purdue Pharma, and the Sackler family, were successfully sued for $6 billion to pay for the ravages of opioid misuse.
We know that there was significant junk science done to allow the continued prescribing of opioids in an inappropriate manner, even after the good science made us well aware of the fact that it wasn't going to work. We also know that documents were difficult to find. I wouldn't say they were hidden, but there was much misinformation and disinformation, and that became a significant cause for concern.
There was a point in time in this country when, in the treatment of chronic or persistent pain, part of the mantra was that more and more opioids should be given until the pain was gone. Anybody around the table with any common sense would be able to understand that this was unlikely to happen.
That being said, as we move forward through this and begin to understand that the treatment of opioid use disorder is incredibly difficult and multi-faceted, given the sordid history of what happened with the prescription of OxyContin in the past—and oddly enough, that Dilaudid, or hydromorphone, is also made by Purdue Pharma—people here need to bear that in mind as well.
Mr. Chair, we have heard testimony at the health committee, and my colleagues have described some of it. I think one physician who testified there put it very eloquently when he said that opioid use disorder is not a lack of opioids. It's not like iron deficiency; with iron deficiency, if you get more iron, you will be fine. I suggest that this is much more complicated, and it is our mandate at the health committee to study it.
I suggest that the mandate here is to begin to uncover those contracts to see whether there is any nefarious intent or suspicious benefit, or whether any actors—a state or potentially a drug company—benefited from the policies that were put forward, including decriminalization, which would most significantly be affected. We saw, in the experiment in British Columbia, a reversal of that particular program.
We also know that with its cousin program—I will use that terminology—the so-called “safe supply”, there's been significant diversion of hydromorphone in particular, or Dilaudid, as it's also known, which is once again made by Purdue Pharma. We know that this type of medication has been diverted. We also know and have concern about the potential nefarious intent of not calling for a ban on the precursor chemicals for making fentanyl in this country.
I hope that allows committee members here at OGGO to understand what our mandate at the health committee is, what we have been studying and uncovered thus far, and also to realize that this is a departure from what would have historically been studied at the health committee. It is certainly well within the mandate of government operations to adopt this well-thought-out motion that is in front of the committee and to bring witnesses to study that.
With that, Chair, thank you.